15 June, 2020
The exam is all we need to do today, so there's no need for us to have a Zoom meeting. Just do your exam and submit it to me.
You only need to write down your answers; only the letter is required for the multiple choice questions. Make sure you number them.
The exam is due today, and a penalty will be incurred if it is submitted late, and it may not be accepted at all if very late. I have been extremely flexible so far with online school, but I am unable to be so flexible with this as it's the end of the school year and final grades must be calculated and submitted very soon.
The exam is all we need to do today, so there's no need for us to have a Zoom meeting. Just do your exam and submit it to me.
You only need to write down your answers; only the letter is required for the multiple choice questions. Make sure you number them.
The exam is due today, and a penalty will be incurred if it is submitted late, and it may not be accepted at all if very late. I have been extremely flexible so far with online school, but I am unable to be so flexible with this as it's the end of the school year and final grades must be calculated and submitted very soon.
oia_final_exam_english_language_and_composition.pdf | |
File Size: | 89 kb |
File Type: |
15 June, 2020
Today's lesson: no lesson
Today's assignments: exam review
Concepts covered: on list posted last Friday
Meeting ID: 968 9173 9738
Password: 6aqXsm
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96891739738?pwd=WTk0K0Rqc3Azd2dOekpxQVFzUDh3QT09
Today's lesson: no lesson
Today's assignments: exam review
Concepts covered: on list posted last Friday
Meeting ID: 968 9173 9738
Password: 6aqXsm
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96891739738?pwd=WTk0K0Rqc3Azd2dOekpxQVFzUDh3QT09
Quiz over compound sentences for those who asked: quizizz.com/join?gc=4546474
12 June, 2020
Today's lesson: identifying tone in literary works
Today's assignments: read/hear speeches/identify tone via word choice
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 966 8787 6715
Password: 0p3dDB
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96687876715?pwd=UmFpWmJzWlZLTE5uTjZIbWdCWU5lQT09
Today's lesson: identifying tone in literary works
Today's assignments: read/hear speeches/identify tone via word choice
Concepts covered:
- Author's purpose
- Tone
- Bias
Meeting ID: 966 8787 6715
Password: 0p3dDB
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96687876715?pwd=UmFpWmJzWlZLTE5uTjZIbWdCWU5lQT09
Today's assignment:
11 June, 2020
Today's lesson: identifying tone in literary works
Today's assignments: read/hear speeches/identify tone via word choice
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 926 8421 9709
Password: 9VqAu4
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92684219709?pwd=ODNpQy9pVEdvS0l3TVN6SGNTeS9QQT09
Today's lesson: identifying tone in literary works
Today's assignments: read/hear speeches/identify tone via word choice
Concepts covered:
- Author's purpose
- Tone
- Bias
Meeting ID: 926 8421 9709
Password: 9VqAu4
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92684219709?pwd=ODNpQy9pVEdvS0l3TVN6SGNTeS9QQT09
Today's assignment:
the exercise below. See the video and graphic above for guidance if you couldn't make the class or had difficulty understanding.
the exercise below. See the video and graphic above for guidance if you couldn't make the class or had difficulty understanding.
10 June, 2020
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Civil rights movement (cont.)
Today's assignments: read/hear ideological tracts/identify tone via word choice
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 987 3052 5795
Password: 5ZerpW
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98730525795?pwd=Mmp4QkNjWHhncEtLaE5IN0orcTBrZz09
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Civil rights movement (cont.)
Today's assignments: read/hear ideological tracts/identify tone via word choice
Concepts covered:
- Learn about important figures of the civil rights movement
- Author's purpose
- Tone
- Bias
Meeting ID: 987 3052 5795
Password: 5ZerpW
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98730525795?pwd=Mmp4QkNjWHhncEtLaE5IN0orcTBrZz09
Martin Luther King, Jr. 'I Have a Dream'
-speech delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. **We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only."** We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."1
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
-speech delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. **We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only."** We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."1
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
09 June, 2020
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
If you didn't attend class today and take the live quiz, do this: quizizz.com/join?gc=5801979
Today's lesson: Civil rights movement
Today's assignments: read/hear ideological tracts
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 997 7351 2927
Password: 9P1s13
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/99773512927?pwd=UlhjNy9MeWNtVUxXZEs4ZkRpREJYdz09
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
If you didn't attend class today and take the live quiz, do this: quizizz.com/join?gc=5801979
Today's lesson: Civil rights movement
Today's assignments: read/hear ideological tracts
Concepts covered:
- Learn about important figures of the civil rights movement
- Author's purpose
- Tone
Meeting ID: 997 7351 2927
Password: 9P1s13
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/99773512927?pwd=UlhjNy9MeWNtVUxXZEs4ZkRpREJYdz09
The Ballot or the Bullet
by Malcolm X
April 3, 1964
Mr. Moderator, Rev. Cleage, brothers and sisters and friends, and I see some enemies. In fact, I think we'd be fooling ourselves if we had an audience this large and didn't realize that there were some enemies present.
This afternoon we want to talk about the ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet explains itself. But before we get into it, since this is the year of the ballot or the bullet, I would like to clarify some things that refer to me personally, concerning my own personal position.
I'm still a Muslim. That is, my religion is still Islam. My religion is still Islam. I still credit Mr. Muhammad for what I know and what I am. He's the one who opened my eyes. At present I am the minister of the newly founded Muslim Mosque Incorporated, which has its offices in the Theresa Hotel right in the heart of Harlem, that's the black belt in New York City. And when we realize that Adam Clayton Powell, is a Christian minister, he has Abyssinian Baptist Church, but at the same time he's more famous for his political struggling. And Dr. King is a Christian minister from Atlanta Georgia, or in Atlanta Georgia, but he's become more famous for being involved in the civil rights struggle. There's another in New York, Rev. Galamison, I don't know if you've heard of him out here, he's a Christian minister from Brooklyn, but has become famous for his fight against the segregated school system in Brooklyn. Rev. Cleage, right here, is a Christian minister, here in Detroit, he's head of the Freedom Now Party. All of these are Christian ministers …all of these are Christian ministers but they don't come to us as Christian ministers, they come to us as fighters in some other category.
I am a Muslim minister. The same as they are Christian ministers, I'm a Muslim minister. And I don't believe in fighting today on any one front, but on all fronts. In fact, I'm a Black Nationalist freedom fighter. Islam is my religion but I believe my religion is my personal business. It governs my personal life, my personal morals. And my religious philosophy is personal between me and the God in whom I believe, just as the religious philosophy of these others is between them and the God in whom they believe. And this is best this way. Were we to come out here discussing religion, we'd have too many differences from the out start and we could never get together.
So today, though Islam is my religious philosophy, my political, economic and social philosophy is black nationalism. You and I – As I say, if we bring up religion, we'll have differences, we'll have arguments, and we'll never be able to get together. But if we keep our religion at home, keep our religion in the closet, keep our religion between ourselves and our God, but when we come out here we have a fight that's common to all of us against a enemy who is common to all of us. The political philosophy of black nationalism only means that the black man should control the politics and the politicians in his own community. The time when white people can come in our community and get us to vote for them so that they can be our political leaders and tell us what to do and what not to do is long gone. By the same token, the time when that same white man, knowing that your eyes are too far open, can send another Negro in the community, and get you and me to support him, so that he can use him to lead us astray, those days are long gone too. The political philosophy of black nationalism only means that if you and I are going to live in a black community – and that's where we're going to live, 'cause as soon as you move into one of their….soon as you move out of the black community into their community, it's mixed for a period of time, but they're gone and you're right there all by yourself again. We must, we must understand the politics of our community and we must know what politics is supposed to produce. We must know what part politics play in our lives. And until we become politically mature, we will always be misled, led astray, or deceived or maneuvered into supporting someone politically who doesn't have the good of our community at heart. So the political philosophy of black nationalism only means that we will have to carry on a program, a political program, of reeducation – to open our people's eyes, make us become more politically conscious, politically mature. And then, we will – whenever we are ready to cast our ballot, that ballot will be cast for a man of the community, who has the good of the community at heart. The economic philosophy of black nationalism only means that we should own and operate and control the economy of our community. You would never have found—you can't open up a black store in a white community. White man won't even patronize you. And he's not wrong. He got sense enough to look out for himself. It's you who don't have sense enough to look out for yourself. The white man, the white man is too intelligent to let someone else come and gain control of the economy of his community. But you will let anybody come in and control the economy of your community, control the housing, control the education, control the jobs, control the businesses, under the pretext that you want to integrate. Nah, you're out of your mind. The political … the economic philosophy of black nationalism only means that we have to become involved in a program of reeducation, to educate our people into the importance of knowing that when you spend your dollar out of the community in which you live, the community in which you spend your money becomes richer and richer, the community out of which you take your money becomes poorer and poorer. And because these Negroes, who have been misled, misguided, are breaking their necks to take their money and spend it with the Man, the Man is becoming richer and richer, and you're becoming poorer and poorer. And then what happens? The community in which you live becomes a slum. It becomes a ghetto. The conditions become rundown. And then you have the audacity to complain about poor housing in a rundown community, while you're running down yourselves when you take your dollar out. And you and I are in a double trap because not only do we lose by taking our money someplace else and spending it, when we try and spend it in our own community we're trapped because we haven't had sense enough to set up stores and control the businesses of our community. The man who is controlling the stores in our community is a man who doesn't look like we do. He's a man who doesn't even live in the community. So you and I, even when we try and spend our money on the block where we live or the area where we live, we're spending it with a man who, when the sun goes down, takes that basket full of money in another part of the town. So we're trapped, trapped, double-trapped, triple-trapped. Any way we go, we find that we're trapped. Any every kind of solution that someone comes up with is just another trap. But the political and economic philosophy of black nationalism…the economic philosophy of black nationalism shows our people the importance of setting up these little stores, and developing them and expanding them into larger operations. Woolworth didn't start out big like they are today; they started out with a dime store, and expanded, and expanded, and expanded until today they are all over the country and all over the world and they getting some of everybody's money.
Now this is what you and I – General Motors, the same way, it didn't start out like it is. It started out just a little rat-race type operation. And it expanded and it expanded until today it's where it is right now. And you and I have to make a start. And the best place to start is right in the community where we live. So our people not only have to be reeducated to the importance of supporting black business, but the black man himself has to be made aware of the importance of going into business. And once you and I go into business, we own and operate at least the businesses in our community. What we will be doing is developing a situation, wherein, we will actually be able to create employment for the people in the community. And once you can create some employment in the community where you live, it will eliminate the necessity of you and me having to act ignorantly and disgracefully, boycotting and picketing some cracker someplace else trying to beg him for a job. Anytime you have to rely upon your enemy for a job, you're in bad shape.When you — and he is your enemy. You wouldn't be in this country if some enemy hadn't kidnapped you and brought you here. On the other hand, some of you think you came here on the Mayflower. So as you can see, brothers and sisters, today – this afternoon it is not our intention to discuss religion. We're going to forget religion. If we bring up religion we'll be in an argument. And the best way to keep away from arguments and differences, as I said earlier, put your religion at home, in the closet, keep it between you and your God. Because if it hasn't done anything more for you than it has, you need to forget it anyway. Whether you are a Christian or a Muslim or a nationalist, we all have the same problem. They don't hang you because you're a Baptist; they hang you 'cause you're black. They don't attack me because I'm a Muslim. They attack me 'cause I'm black. They attacked all of us for the same reason. All of us catch hell from the same enemy. We're all in the same bag, in the same boat.
We suffer political oppression, economic exploitation and social degradation. All of 'em from the same enemy. The government has failed us. You can't deny that. Any time you're living in the 20th century, 1964, and you walking around here singing "We Shall Overcome," the government has failed you. This is part of what's wrong with you, you do too much singing. Today it's time to stop singing and start swinging. You can't sing up on freedom. But you can swing up on some freedom.Cassius Clay can sing. But singing didn't help him to become the heavyweight champion of the world. Swinging helped him. So this government has failed us. The government itself has failed us. And the white liberals who have been posing as our friends have failed us. And once we see that all of these other sources to which we've turned have failed, we stop turning to them and turn to ourselves. We need a self-help program, a do-it-yourself philosophy, a do-it-right-now philosophy, a it's-already-too-late philosophy. This is what you and I need to get with. And the only time – the only way we're going to solve our problem is with a self-help program. Before we can get a self-help program started, we have to have a self-help philosophy. Black nationalism is a self-help philosophy.
What's so good about it – you can stay right in the church where you are and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. You can stay in any kind of civic organization that you belong to and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. You can be an atheist and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. This is a philosophy that eliminates the necessity for division and argument, 'cause if you're black, you should be thinking black. And if you're black and you not thinking black at this late date, well, I'm sorry for you. Once you change your philosophy, you change your thought pattern. Once you change your thought pattern you change your attitude. Once you change your attitude it changes your behavior pattern. And then you go on into some action. As long as you got a sit-down philosophy you'll have a sit-down thought pattern. And as long as you think that old sit-down thought, you'll be in some kind of sit-down action. They'll have you sitting in everywhere. It's not so good to refer to what you're going to do as a sit-in. That right there castrates you. Right there it brings you down. What goes with it? What – think of the image of someone sitting. An old woman can sit. An old man can sit. A chump can sit, a coward can sit, anything can sit. Well, you and I been sitting long enough and it's time for us today to start doing some standing and some fighting to back that up. When we look at other parts of this Earth upon which we live, we find that black, brown, red and yellow people in Africa and Asia are getting their independence. They're not getting it by singing, 'We Shall Overcome." No, they're getting it through nationalism. It is nationalism that brought about the independence of the people in Asia. Every nation in Asia gained its independence through the philosophy of nationalism. Every nation on the African continent that has gotten its independence brought it about through the philosophy of nationalism. And it will take black nationalism to bring about the freedom of 22 million Afro-Americans, here in this country, where we have suffered colonialism for the past 400 years. America is just as much a colonial power as England ever was. America is just as much a colonial power as France ever was. In fact, America is more so a colonial power than they, because she is a hypocritical colonial power behind it. What is 20th — what, what do you call second-class citizenship? Why, that's colonization. Second-class citizenship is nothing but 20th slavery. How you gonna to tell me you're a second-class citizen? They don't have second-class citizenship in any other government on this Earth. They just have slaves and people who are free! Well, this country is a hypocrite! They try and make you think they set you free by calling you a second-class citizen. No, you're nothing but a 20th century slave. Just as it took nationalism to remove colonialism from Asia and Africa, it'll take black nationalism today to remove colonialism from the backs and the minds of twenty-two million Afro-Americans here in this country. And 1964 looks like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet. Why does it look like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet? Because Negroes have listened to the trickery and the lies and the false promises of the white man now for too long, and they're fed up. They've become disenchanted. They've become disillusioned. They've become dissatisfied. And all of this has built up frustrations in the black community that makes the black community throughout America today more explosive than all of the atomic bombs the Russians can ever invent. Whenever you got a racial powder keg sitting in your lap, you're in more trouble than if you had an atomic powder keg sitting in your lap. When a racial powder keg goes off, it doesn't care who it knocks out the way. Understand this, it's dangerous.
And in 1964, this seems to be the year. Because what can the white man use, now, to fool us? After he put down that March on Washington – and you see all through that now, he tricked you, had you marching down to Washington. Had you marching back and forth between the feet of a dead man named Lincoln and another dead man named George Washington, singing, "We Shall Overcome." He made a chump out of you. He made a fool out of you. He made you think you were going somewhere and you end up going nowhere but between Lincoln and Washington. So today our people are disillusioned. They've become disenchanted. They've become dissatisfied. And in their frustrations they want action. And in 1964 you'll see this young black man, this new generation, asking for the ballot or the bullet. That old Uncle Tom action is outdated. The young generation don't want to hear anything about "the odds are against us." What do we care about odds? When this country here was first being founded, there were thirteen colonies. The whites were colonized. They were fed up with this taxation without representation. So some of them stood up and said, "Liberty or death!" I went to a white school over here in Mason, Michigan. The white man made the mistake of letting me read his history books. He made the mistake of teaching me that Patrick Henry was a patriot, and George Washington – wasn't nothing non-violent about ol' Pat, or George Washington. "Liberty or death" is was what brought about the freedom of whites in this country from the English. They didn't care about the odds. Why, they faced the wrath of the entire British Empire. And in those days, they used to say that the British Empire was so vast and so powerful that the sun would never set on it. This is how big it was, yet these thirteen little scrawny states, tired of taxation without representation, tired of being exploited and oppressed and degraded, told that big British Empire, "Liberty or death." And here you have 22 million Afro-Americans, black people today, catching more hell than Patrick Henry ever saw. And I'm here to tell you in case you don't know it – that you got a new, you got a new generation of black people in this country who don't care anything whatsoever about odds. They don't want to hear you ol' Uncle Tom, handkerchief-heads talking about the odds. No! This is a new generation. If they're going to draft these young black men, and send them over to Korea or to South Vietnam to face 800 million Chinese… If you're not afraid of those odds, you shouldn't be afraid of these odds. Why is America – why does this loom to be such an explosive political year? Because this is the year of politics. This is the year when all of the white politicians are going to come into the Negro community. You never see them until election time. You can't find them until election time. They're going to come in with false promises. And as they make these false promises they're going to feed our frustrations, and this will only serve to make matters worse. I'm no politician. I'm not even a student of politics. I'm not a Republican, nor a Democrat, nor an American – and got sense enough to know it. I'm one of the 22 million black victims of the Democrats. One of the 22 million black victims of the Republicans and one of the 22 million black victims of Americanism. And when I speak, I don't speak as a Democrat or a Republican, nor an American. I speak as a victim of America's so-called democracy. You and I have never seen democracy – all we've seen is hypocrisy. When we open our eyes today and look around America, we see America not through the eyes of someone who has enjoyed the fruits of Americanism. We see America through the eyes of someone who has been the victim of Americanism. We don't see any American dream. We've experienced only the American nightmare. We haven't benefited from America's democracy. We've only suffered from America's hypocrisy. And the generation that's coming up now can see it. And are not afraid to say it. If you go to jail, so what? If you're black, you were born in jail. If you black you were born in jail, in the North as well as the South. Stop talking about the South. As long as you south of the Canadian border, you South. Don't call Governor Wallace a Dixie governor, Romney is a Dixie Governor. Twenty-two million black victims of Americanism are waking up and they are gaining a new political consciousness, becoming politically mature. And as they become – develop this political maturity, they're able to see the recent trends in these political elections. They see that the whites are so evenly divided that every time they vote, the race is so close they have to go back and count the votes all over again. Which means that any block, any minority that has a block of votes that stick together is in a strategic position. Either way you go, that's who gets it. You're in a position to determine who'll go to the White House and who'll stay in the doghouse. You're the one who has that power. You can keep Johnson in Washington D.C., or you can send him back to his Texas cotton patch. You're the one who sent Kennedy to Washington. You're the one who put the present Democratic administration in Washington, D.C. The whites were evenly divided. It was the fact that you threw 80 percent of your votes behind the Democrats that put the Democrats in the White House.
When you see this, you can see that the Negro vote is the key factor. And despite the fact that you are in a position to be the determining factor, what do you get out of it? The Democrats have been in Washington, D.C. only because of the Negro vote. They've been down there four years. And they're – all other legislation they wanted to bring up they've brought it up, and gotten it out of the way, and now they bring up you. And now they bring up you! You put them first and they put you last. Because you're a chump! A political chump.
In Washington, D.C., in the House of Representatives there are 257 who are Democrats. Only 177 are Republican. In the Senate there are 67 Democrats. Only 33 are Republicans. The party that you backed controls two-thirds of the House of Representatives and the Senate and still they can't keep their promise to you. 'Cause you're a chump. Any time you throw your weight behind a political party that controls two-thirds of the government, and that party can't keep the promise that it made to you during election-time, and you're dumb enough to walk around continuing to identify yourself with that party, you're not only a chump but you're a traitor to your race. What kind of alibi do come up with? They try and pass the buck to the Dixiecrats. Now, back during the days when you were blind, deaf and dumb, ignorant, politically immature, naturally you went along with that. But today, as your eyes come open, and you develop political maturity, you're able to see and think for yourself, and you can see that a Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat – in disguise. You look at the structure of the government that controls this country, is controlled by 16 senatorial committees and 20 congressional committees. Of the 16 senatorial committees that run the government, 10 of them are in the hands of southern segregationists. Of the 20 congressional committees that run the government, 12 of them are in the hands of southern segregationists. And they're going to tell you and me that the South lost the war? You, today, are in the hands of a government of segregationists. Racists, white supremacists, who belong to the Democratic party but disguise themselves as Dixiecrats. A Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat. Whoever runs the Democrats is also the father of the Dixiecrats. And the father of all of them is sitting in the White House. I say, and I'll say it again, you got a president who's nothing but a southern segregationist from the state of Texas. They'll lynch in Texas as quick as they'll lynch you in Mississippi. Only in Texas they lynch you with a Texas accent, in Mississippi they lynch you with a Mississippi accent. The first thing the cracker does when he comes in power, he takes all the Negro leaders and invites them for coffee. To show that he's all right. And those Uncle Toms can't pass up the coffee. They come away from the coffee table telling you and me that this man is all right. 'Cause he's from the South and since he's from the South he can deal with the South. Look at the logic that they're using. What about Eastland? He's from the South. Why not make him the president? If Johnson is a good man 'cause he's from Texas, and being from Texas will enable him to deal with the South, Eastland can deal with the South better than Johnson! Oh, I say you been misled. You been had. You been took. I was in Washington a couple of weeks ago while the senators were filibustering and I noticed in the back of the Senate a huge map, and on this map it showed the distribution of Negroes in America. And surprisingly, the same senators that were involved in the filibuster were from the states where there were the most Negroes. Why were they filibustering the civil rights legislation? Because the civil rights legislation is supposed to guarantee boarding rights to Negroes from those states. And those senators from those states know that if the Negroes in those states can vote, those senators are down the drain. The representatives of those states go down the drain.
And in the Constitution of this country it has a stipulation, wherein, whenever the rights, the voting rights of people in a certain district are violated, then the representative who's from that particular district, according to the Constitution, is supposed to be expelled from the Congress. Now, if this particular aspect of the Constitution was enforced, why, you wouldn't have a cracker in Washington, D.C. But what would happen? When you expel the Dixiecrat, you're expelling the Democrat. When you destroy the power of the Dixiecrat, you are destroying the power of the Democratic Party. So how in the world can the Democratic Party in the South actually side with you, in sincerity, when all of its power is based in the South?
These Northern Democrats are in cahoots with the southern Democrats. They're playing a giant con game, a political con game. You know how it goes. One of 'em comes to you and make believe he's for you. And he's in cahoots with the other one that's not for you. Why? Because neither one of 'em is for you. But they got to make you go with one of 'em or the other.
So this is a con game, and this is what they've been doing with you and me all of these years. First thing, Johnson got off the plane when he become president, he ask, "Where's Dickey?" You know who Dickey is? Dickey is old southern cracker Richard Russell. Lookie here! Yes, Lyndon B. Johnson's best friend is the one who is a head, who's heading the forces that are filibustering civil rights legislation. You tell me how in the hell is he going to be Johnson's best friend? How can Johnson be his friend and your friend too? No, that man is too tricky. Especially if his friend is still ol' Dickey. Whenever the Negroes keep the Democrats in power they're keeping the Dixiecrats in power. This is true! A vote for a Democrat is nothing but a vote for a Dixiecrat. I know you don't like me saying that. I'm not the kind of person who come here to say what you like. I'm going to tell you the truth whether you like it or not. Up here in the North you have the same thing. The Democratic Party don't – they don't do it that way. They got a thing they call gerrymandering. They maneuver you out of power. Even though you can vote they fix it so you're voting for nobody. They got you going and coming. In the South they're outright political wolves, in the North they're political foxes. A fox and a wolf are both canine, both belong to the dog family. Now, you take your choice. You going to choose a northern dog or a southern dog? Because either dog you choose, I guarantee you, you'll still be in the doghouse.
This is why I say it's the ballot or the bullet. It's liberty or it's death. It's freedom for everybody or freedom for nobody. America today finds herself in a unique situation. Historically, revolutions are bloody, oh yes they are. They have never had a bloodless revolution. Or a non-violent revolution. That don't happen even in Hollywood You don't have a revolution in which you love your enemy. And you don't have a revolution in which you are begging the system of exploitation to integrate you into it. Revolutions overturn systems. Revolutions destroy systems.
A revolution is bloody, but America is in a unique position. She's the only country in history, in the position actually to become involved in a bloodless revolution. The Russian Revolution was bloody, Chinese Revolution was bloody, French Revolution was bloody, Cuban Revolution was bloody. And there was nothing more bloody than the American Revolution. But today, this country can become involved in a revolution that won't take bloodshed. All she's got to do is give the black man in this country everything that's due him, everything. I hope that the white man can see this. 'Cause if you don't see it you're finished. If you don't see it you're going to become involved in some action in which you don't have a chance. We don't care anything about your atomic bomb; it's useless, because other countries have atomic bombs. When two or three different countries have atomic bombs, nobody can use them. So it means that the white man today is without a weapon. If you want some action you've got to come on down to Earth, and there's more black people on Earth than there are white people. I only got a couple more minutes. The white man can never win another war on the ground. His days of war – victory – his days of battleground victory are over. Can I prove it? Yes. Take all the action that's going on this Earth right now that he's involved in. Tell me where he's winning – nowhere. Why, some rice farmers, some rice farmers! Some rice-eaters ran him out of Korea, yes they ran him out of Korea. Rice-eaters, with nothing but gym shoes and a rifle and a bowl of rice, took him and his tanks and his napalm and all that other action he's supposed to have and ran him across the Yalu. Why? Because the day that he can win on the ground has passed.
Up in French Indochina, those little peasants, rice-growers, took on the might of the French army and ran all the Frenchmen, you remember Dien Bien Phu! The same thing happened in Algeria, in Africa. They didn't have anything but a rifle. The French had all these highly mechanized instruments of warfare. But they put some guerilla action on. And a white man can't fight a guerilla warfare. Guerilla action takes heart, take nerve, and he doesn't have that. He's brave when he's got tanks. He's brave when he's got planes. He's brave when he's got bombs. He's brave when he's got a whole lot of company along with him. But you take that little man from Africa and Asia; turn him loose in the woods with a blade. A blade. That's all he needs. All he needs is a blade. And when the sun comes down – goes down and it's dark, it's even-Stephen. So it's the, it's the ballot or the bullet. Today, our people can see that we're faced with a government conspiracy. This government has failed us. The senators who are filibustering concerning your and my rights, that's the government. Don't say it's southern senators, this is the government. This is a government filibuster. It's not a segregationist filibuster, it's a government filibuster. Any kind of activity that takes place on the floor of the Congress or the Senate, that's the government. Any kind of dilly-dallying, that's the government. Any kind of pussy-footing, that's the government. Any kind of act that's designed to delay or deprive you and me, right now, of getting full rights, that's the government that's responsible. And anytime you find the government involved in a conspiracy to violate the citizenship or the civil rights of a people in 1964, then you are wasting your time going to that government expecting redress. Instead you have to take that government to the world court and accuse it of genocide and all of the other crimes that it is guilty of today. So those of us whose political and economic and social philosophy is black nationalism have become involved in the civil rights struggle. We have injected ourselves into the civil rights struggle. And we intend to expand it from the level of civil rights to the level of human rights. As long as you fight it on the level of civil rights, you're under Uncle Sam's jurisdiction. You're going to his court expecting him to correct the problem. He created the problem. He's the criminal! You don't take your case to the criminal, you take your criminal to court. When the government of South Africa began to trample upon the human rights of the people of South Africa they were taken to the U.N. When the government of Portugal began to trample upon the rights of our brothers and sisters in Angola, it was taken before the U.N. Why, even the white man took the Hungarian question to the U.N. And just this week, Chief Justice Goldberg was crying over three million Jews in Russia, about their human rights – charging Russia with violating the U.N. Charter because of its mistreatment of the human rights of Jews in Russia. Now you tell me how can the plight of everybody on this Earth reach the halls of the United Nations and you have twenty-two million Afro-Americans whose churches are being bombed, whose little girls are being murdered, whose leaders are being shot down in broad daylight? Now you tell me why the leaders of this struggle have never taken [recording impaired ] [their case to the U.N.?]
So our next move is to take the entire civil rights struggle – problem – into the United Nations and let the world see that Uncle Sam is guilty of violating the human rights of 22 million Afro-Americans right down to the year of 1964 and still has the audacity or the nerve to stand up and represent himself as the leader of the free world?Not only is he a crook, he's a hypocrite. Here he is standing up in front of other people, Uncle Sam, with the blood of your and mine mothers and fathers on his hands. With the blood dripping down his jaws like a bloody-jawed wolf. And still got the nerve to point his finger at other countries. In 1964 you can't even get civil rights legislation and this man has got the nerve to stand up and talk about South Africa or talk about Nazi Germany or talk about Portugal. No, no more days like those! So I say in my conclusion, the only way we're going to solve it: we got to unite. We got to work together in unity and harmony. And black nationalism is the key. How we gonna overcome the tendency to be at each other's throats that always exists in our neighborhood? And the reason this tendency exists – the strategy of the white man has always been divide and conquer. He keeps us divided in order to conquer us. He tells you, I'm for separation and you for integration, and keep us fighting with each other. No, I'm not for separation and you're not for integration, what you and I are for is freedom. Only, you think that integration will get you freedom; I think that separation will get me freedom. We both got the same objective, we just got different ways of getting' at it. So I studied this man, Billy Graham, who preaches white nationalism. That's what he preaches. I say, that's what he preaches. The whole church structure in this country is white nationalism, you go inside a white church – that's what they preaching, white nationalism. They got Jesus white, Mary white, God white, everybody white – that's white nationalism. So what he does – the way he circumvents the jealousy and envy that he ordinarily would incur among the heads of the church – whenever you go into an area where the church already is, you going to run into trouble. Because they got that thing, what you call it, syndicated … they got a syndicate just like the racketeers have. I'm going to say what's on my mind because the preachers already proved to you that they got a syndicate. And when you're out in the rackets, whenever you're getting in another man's territory, you know, they gang up on you. And that's the same way with you. You run into the same thing. So how Billy Graham gets around that, instead of going into somebody else's territory, like he going to start a new church, he doesn't try and start a church, he just goes in preaching Christ. And he says anybody who believe in him, you go wherever you find him.
So, this helps all the churches, and since it helps all the churches, they don't fight him. Well, we going to do the same thing, only our gospel is black nationalism. His gospel is white nationalism, our gospel is black nationalism. And the gospel of black nationalism, as I told you, means you should control your own, the politics of your community, the economy of your community, and all of the society in which you live should be under your control. And once you…feel that this philosophy will solve your problem, go join any church where that's preached. Don't join any church where white nationalism is preached. Why, you can go to a Negro church and be exposed to white nationalism. 'Cause when you are on – when you walk in a Negro church and see a white Jesus and a white Mary and some white angels, that Negro church is preaching white nationalism. But, when you go to a church and you see the pastor of that church with a philosophy and a program that's designed to bring black people together and elevate black people, join that church. Join that church. If you see where the NAACP is preaching and practicing that which is designed to make black nationalism materialize, join the NAACP. Join any kind of organization – civic, religious, fraternal, political or otherwise that's based on lifting the black man up and making him master of his own community.
by Malcolm X
April 3, 1964
Mr. Moderator, Rev. Cleage, brothers and sisters and friends, and I see some enemies. In fact, I think we'd be fooling ourselves if we had an audience this large and didn't realize that there were some enemies present.
This afternoon we want to talk about the ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet explains itself. But before we get into it, since this is the year of the ballot or the bullet, I would like to clarify some things that refer to me personally, concerning my own personal position.
I'm still a Muslim. That is, my religion is still Islam. My religion is still Islam. I still credit Mr. Muhammad for what I know and what I am. He's the one who opened my eyes. At present I am the minister of the newly founded Muslim Mosque Incorporated, which has its offices in the Theresa Hotel right in the heart of Harlem, that's the black belt in New York City. And when we realize that Adam Clayton Powell, is a Christian minister, he has Abyssinian Baptist Church, but at the same time he's more famous for his political struggling. And Dr. King is a Christian minister from Atlanta Georgia, or in Atlanta Georgia, but he's become more famous for being involved in the civil rights struggle. There's another in New York, Rev. Galamison, I don't know if you've heard of him out here, he's a Christian minister from Brooklyn, but has become famous for his fight against the segregated school system in Brooklyn. Rev. Cleage, right here, is a Christian minister, here in Detroit, he's head of the Freedom Now Party. All of these are Christian ministers …all of these are Christian ministers but they don't come to us as Christian ministers, they come to us as fighters in some other category.
I am a Muslim minister. The same as they are Christian ministers, I'm a Muslim minister. And I don't believe in fighting today on any one front, but on all fronts. In fact, I'm a Black Nationalist freedom fighter. Islam is my religion but I believe my religion is my personal business. It governs my personal life, my personal morals. And my religious philosophy is personal between me and the God in whom I believe, just as the religious philosophy of these others is between them and the God in whom they believe. And this is best this way. Were we to come out here discussing religion, we'd have too many differences from the out start and we could never get together.
So today, though Islam is my religious philosophy, my political, economic and social philosophy is black nationalism. You and I – As I say, if we bring up religion, we'll have differences, we'll have arguments, and we'll never be able to get together. But if we keep our religion at home, keep our religion in the closet, keep our religion between ourselves and our God, but when we come out here we have a fight that's common to all of us against a enemy who is common to all of us. The political philosophy of black nationalism only means that the black man should control the politics and the politicians in his own community. The time when white people can come in our community and get us to vote for them so that they can be our political leaders and tell us what to do and what not to do is long gone. By the same token, the time when that same white man, knowing that your eyes are too far open, can send another Negro in the community, and get you and me to support him, so that he can use him to lead us astray, those days are long gone too. The political philosophy of black nationalism only means that if you and I are going to live in a black community – and that's where we're going to live, 'cause as soon as you move into one of their….soon as you move out of the black community into their community, it's mixed for a period of time, but they're gone and you're right there all by yourself again. We must, we must understand the politics of our community and we must know what politics is supposed to produce. We must know what part politics play in our lives. And until we become politically mature, we will always be misled, led astray, or deceived or maneuvered into supporting someone politically who doesn't have the good of our community at heart. So the political philosophy of black nationalism only means that we will have to carry on a program, a political program, of reeducation – to open our people's eyes, make us become more politically conscious, politically mature. And then, we will – whenever we are ready to cast our ballot, that ballot will be cast for a man of the community, who has the good of the community at heart. The economic philosophy of black nationalism only means that we should own and operate and control the economy of our community. You would never have found—you can't open up a black store in a white community. White man won't even patronize you. And he's not wrong. He got sense enough to look out for himself. It's you who don't have sense enough to look out for yourself. The white man, the white man is too intelligent to let someone else come and gain control of the economy of his community. But you will let anybody come in and control the economy of your community, control the housing, control the education, control the jobs, control the businesses, under the pretext that you want to integrate. Nah, you're out of your mind. The political … the economic philosophy of black nationalism only means that we have to become involved in a program of reeducation, to educate our people into the importance of knowing that when you spend your dollar out of the community in which you live, the community in which you spend your money becomes richer and richer, the community out of which you take your money becomes poorer and poorer. And because these Negroes, who have been misled, misguided, are breaking their necks to take their money and spend it with the Man, the Man is becoming richer and richer, and you're becoming poorer and poorer. And then what happens? The community in which you live becomes a slum. It becomes a ghetto. The conditions become rundown. And then you have the audacity to complain about poor housing in a rundown community, while you're running down yourselves when you take your dollar out. And you and I are in a double trap because not only do we lose by taking our money someplace else and spending it, when we try and spend it in our own community we're trapped because we haven't had sense enough to set up stores and control the businesses of our community. The man who is controlling the stores in our community is a man who doesn't look like we do. He's a man who doesn't even live in the community. So you and I, even when we try and spend our money on the block where we live or the area where we live, we're spending it with a man who, when the sun goes down, takes that basket full of money in another part of the town. So we're trapped, trapped, double-trapped, triple-trapped. Any way we go, we find that we're trapped. Any every kind of solution that someone comes up with is just another trap. But the political and economic philosophy of black nationalism…the economic philosophy of black nationalism shows our people the importance of setting up these little stores, and developing them and expanding them into larger operations. Woolworth didn't start out big like they are today; they started out with a dime store, and expanded, and expanded, and expanded until today they are all over the country and all over the world and they getting some of everybody's money.
Now this is what you and I – General Motors, the same way, it didn't start out like it is. It started out just a little rat-race type operation. And it expanded and it expanded until today it's where it is right now. And you and I have to make a start. And the best place to start is right in the community where we live. So our people not only have to be reeducated to the importance of supporting black business, but the black man himself has to be made aware of the importance of going into business. And once you and I go into business, we own and operate at least the businesses in our community. What we will be doing is developing a situation, wherein, we will actually be able to create employment for the people in the community. And once you can create some employment in the community where you live, it will eliminate the necessity of you and me having to act ignorantly and disgracefully, boycotting and picketing some cracker someplace else trying to beg him for a job. Anytime you have to rely upon your enemy for a job, you're in bad shape.When you — and he is your enemy. You wouldn't be in this country if some enemy hadn't kidnapped you and brought you here. On the other hand, some of you think you came here on the Mayflower. So as you can see, brothers and sisters, today – this afternoon it is not our intention to discuss religion. We're going to forget religion. If we bring up religion we'll be in an argument. And the best way to keep away from arguments and differences, as I said earlier, put your religion at home, in the closet, keep it between you and your God. Because if it hasn't done anything more for you than it has, you need to forget it anyway. Whether you are a Christian or a Muslim or a nationalist, we all have the same problem. They don't hang you because you're a Baptist; they hang you 'cause you're black. They don't attack me because I'm a Muslim. They attack me 'cause I'm black. They attacked all of us for the same reason. All of us catch hell from the same enemy. We're all in the same bag, in the same boat.
We suffer political oppression, economic exploitation and social degradation. All of 'em from the same enemy. The government has failed us. You can't deny that. Any time you're living in the 20th century, 1964, and you walking around here singing "We Shall Overcome," the government has failed you. This is part of what's wrong with you, you do too much singing. Today it's time to stop singing and start swinging. You can't sing up on freedom. But you can swing up on some freedom.Cassius Clay can sing. But singing didn't help him to become the heavyweight champion of the world. Swinging helped him. So this government has failed us. The government itself has failed us. And the white liberals who have been posing as our friends have failed us. And once we see that all of these other sources to which we've turned have failed, we stop turning to them and turn to ourselves. We need a self-help program, a do-it-yourself philosophy, a do-it-right-now philosophy, a it's-already-too-late philosophy. This is what you and I need to get with. And the only time – the only way we're going to solve our problem is with a self-help program. Before we can get a self-help program started, we have to have a self-help philosophy. Black nationalism is a self-help philosophy.
What's so good about it – you can stay right in the church where you are and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. You can stay in any kind of civic organization that you belong to and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. You can be an atheist and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. This is a philosophy that eliminates the necessity for division and argument, 'cause if you're black, you should be thinking black. And if you're black and you not thinking black at this late date, well, I'm sorry for you. Once you change your philosophy, you change your thought pattern. Once you change your thought pattern you change your attitude. Once you change your attitude it changes your behavior pattern. And then you go on into some action. As long as you got a sit-down philosophy you'll have a sit-down thought pattern. And as long as you think that old sit-down thought, you'll be in some kind of sit-down action. They'll have you sitting in everywhere. It's not so good to refer to what you're going to do as a sit-in. That right there castrates you. Right there it brings you down. What goes with it? What – think of the image of someone sitting. An old woman can sit. An old man can sit. A chump can sit, a coward can sit, anything can sit. Well, you and I been sitting long enough and it's time for us today to start doing some standing and some fighting to back that up. When we look at other parts of this Earth upon which we live, we find that black, brown, red and yellow people in Africa and Asia are getting their independence. They're not getting it by singing, 'We Shall Overcome." No, they're getting it through nationalism. It is nationalism that brought about the independence of the people in Asia. Every nation in Asia gained its independence through the philosophy of nationalism. Every nation on the African continent that has gotten its independence brought it about through the philosophy of nationalism. And it will take black nationalism to bring about the freedom of 22 million Afro-Americans, here in this country, where we have suffered colonialism for the past 400 years. America is just as much a colonial power as England ever was. America is just as much a colonial power as France ever was. In fact, America is more so a colonial power than they, because she is a hypocritical colonial power behind it. What is 20th — what, what do you call second-class citizenship? Why, that's colonization. Second-class citizenship is nothing but 20th slavery. How you gonna to tell me you're a second-class citizen? They don't have second-class citizenship in any other government on this Earth. They just have slaves and people who are free! Well, this country is a hypocrite! They try and make you think they set you free by calling you a second-class citizen. No, you're nothing but a 20th century slave. Just as it took nationalism to remove colonialism from Asia and Africa, it'll take black nationalism today to remove colonialism from the backs and the minds of twenty-two million Afro-Americans here in this country. And 1964 looks like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet. Why does it look like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet? Because Negroes have listened to the trickery and the lies and the false promises of the white man now for too long, and they're fed up. They've become disenchanted. They've become disillusioned. They've become dissatisfied. And all of this has built up frustrations in the black community that makes the black community throughout America today more explosive than all of the atomic bombs the Russians can ever invent. Whenever you got a racial powder keg sitting in your lap, you're in more trouble than if you had an atomic powder keg sitting in your lap. When a racial powder keg goes off, it doesn't care who it knocks out the way. Understand this, it's dangerous.
And in 1964, this seems to be the year. Because what can the white man use, now, to fool us? After he put down that March on Washington – and you see all through that now, he tricked you, had you marching down to Washington. Had you marching back and forth between the feet of a dead man named Lincoln and another dead man named George Washington, singing, "We Shall Overcome." He made a chump out of you. He made a fool out of you. He made you think you were going somewhere and you end up going nowhere but between Lincoln and Washington. So today our people are disillusioned. They've become disenchanted. They've become dissatisfied. And in their frustrations they want action. And in 1964 you'll see this young black man, this new generation, asking for the ballot or the bullet. That old Uncle Tom action is outdated. The young generation don't want to hear anything about "the odds are against us." What do we care about odds? When this country here was first being founded, there were thirteen colonies. The whites were colonized. They were fed up with this taxation without representation. So some of them stood up and said, "Liberty or death!" I went to a white school over here in Mason, Michigan. The white man made the mistake of letting me read his history books. He made the mistake of teaching me that Patrick Henry was a patriot, and George Washington – wasn't nothing non-violent about ol' Pat, or George Washington. "Liberty or death" is was what brought about the freedom of whites in this country from the English. They didn't care about the odds. Why, they faced the wrath of the entire British Empire. And in those days, they used to say that the British Empire was so vast and so powerful that the sun would never set on it. This is how big it was, yet these thirteen little scrawny states, tired of taxation without representation, tired of being exploited and oppressed and degraded, told that big British Empire, "Liberty or death." And here you have 22 million Afro-Americans, black people today, catching more hell than Patrick Henry ever saw. And I'm here to tell you in case you don't know it – that you got a new, you got a new generation of black people in this country who don't care anything whatsoever about odds. They don't want to hear you ol' Uncle Tom, handkerchief-heads talking about the odds. No! This is a new generation. If they're going to draft these young black men, and send them over to Korea or to South Vietnam to face 800 million Chinese… If you're not afraid of those odds, you shouldn't be afraid of these odds. Why is America – why does this loom to be such an explosive political year? Because this is the year of politics. This is the year when all of the white politicians are going to come into the Negro community. You never see them until election time. You can't find them until election time. They're going to come in with false promises. And as they make these false promises they're going to feed our frustrations, and this will only serve to make matters worse. I'm no politician. I'm not even a student of politics. I'm not a Republican, nor a Democrat, nor an American – and got sense enough to know it. I'm one of the 22 million black victims of the Democrats. One of the 22 million black victims of the Republicans and one of the 22 million black victims of Americanism. And when I speak, I don't speak as a Democrat or a Republican, nor an American. I speak as a victim of America's so-called democracy. You and I have never seen democracy – all we've seen is hypocrisy. When we open our eyes today and look around America, we see America not through the eyes of someone who has enjoyed the fruits of Americanism. We see America through the eyes of someone who has been the victim of Americanism. We don't see any American dream. We've experienced only the American nightmare. We haven't benefited from America's democracy. We've only suffered from America's hypocrisy. And the generation that's coming up now can see it. And are not afraid to say it. If you go to jail, so what? If you're black, you were born in jail. If you black you were born in jail, in the North as well as the South. Stop talking about the South. As long as you south of the Canadian border, you South. Don't call Governor Wallace a Dixie governor, Romney is a Dixie Governor. Twenty-two million black victims of Americanism are waking up and they are gaining a new political consciousness, becoming politically mature. And as they become – develop this political maturity, they're able to see the recent trends in these political elections. They see that the whites are so evenly divided that every time they vote, the race is so close they have to go back and count the votes all over again. Which means that any block, any minority that has a block of votes that stick together is in a strategic position. Either way you go, that's who gets it. You're in a position to determine who'll go to the White House and who'll stay in the doghouse. You're the one who has that power. You can keep Johnson in Washington D.C., or you can send him back to his Texas cotton patch. You're the one who sent Kennedy to Washington. You're the one who put the present Democratic administration in Washington, D.C. The whites were evenly divided. It was the fact that you threw 80 percent of your votes behind the Democrats that put the Democrats in the White House.
When you see this, you can see that the Negro vote is the key factor. And despite the fact that you are in a position to be the determining factor, what do you get out of it? The Democrats have been in Washington, D.C. only because of the Negro vote. They've been down there four years. And they're – all other legislation they wanted to bring up they've brought it up, and gotten it out of the way, and now they bring up you. And now they bring up you! You put them first and they put you last. Because you're a chump! A political chump.
In Washington, D.C., in the House of Representatives there are 257 who are Democrats. Only 177 are Republican. In the Senate there are 67 Democrats. Only 33 are Republicans. The party that you backed controls two-thirds of the House of Representatives and the Senate and still they can't keep their promise to you. 'Cause you're a chump. Any time you throw your weight behind a political party that controls two-thirds of the government, and that party can't keep the promise that it made to you during election-time, and you're dumb enough to walk around continuing to identify yourself with that party, you're not only a chump but you're a traitor to your race. What kind of alibi do come up with? They try and pass the buck to the Dixiecrats. Now, back during the days when you were blind, deaf and dumb, ignorant, politically immature, naturally you went along with that. But today, as your eyes come open, and you develop political maturity, you're able to see and think for yourself, and you can see that a Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat – in disguise. You look at the structure of the government that controls this country, is controlled by 16 senatorial committees and 20 congressional committees. Of the 16 senatorial committees that run the government, 10 of them are in the hands of southern segregationists. Of the 20 congressional committees that run the government, 12 of them are in the hands of southern segregationists. And they're going to tell you and me that the South lost the war? You, today, are in the hands of a government of segregationists. Racists, white supremacists, who belong to the Democratic party but disguise themselves as Dixiecrats. A Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat. Whoever runs the Democrats is also the father of the Dixiecrats. And the father of all of them is sitting in the White House. I say, and I'll say it again, you got a president who's nothing but a southern segregationist from the state of Texas. They'll lynch in Texas as quick as they'll lynch you in Mississippi. Only in Texas they lynch you with a Texas accent, in Mississippi they lynch you with a Mississippi accent. The first thing the cracker does when he comes in power, he takes all the Negro leaders and invites them for coffee. To show that he's all right. And those Uncle Toms can't pass up the coffee. They come away from the coffee table telling you and me that this man is all right. 'Cause he's from the South and since he's from the South he can deal with the South. Look at the logic that they're using. What about Eastland? He's from the South. Why not make him the president? If Johnson is a good man 'cause he's from Texas, and being from Texas will enable him to deal with the South, Eastland can deal with the South better than Johnson! Oh, I say you been misled. You been had. You been took. I was in Washington a couple of weeks ago while the senators were filibustering and I noticed in the back of the Senate a huge map, and on this map it showed the distribution of Negroes in America. And surprisingly, the same senators that were involved in the filibuster were from the states where there were the most Negroes. Why were they filibustering the civil rights legislation? Because the civil rights legislation is supposed to guarantee boarding rights to Negroes from those states. And those senators from those states know that if the Negroes in those states can vote, those senators are down the drain. The representatives of those states go down the drain.
And in the Constitution of this country it has a stipulation, wherein, whenever the rights, the voting rights of people in a certain district are violated, then the representative who's from that particular district, according to the Constitution, is supposed to be expelled from the Congress. Now, if this particular aspect of the Constitution was enforced, why, you wouldn't have a cracker in Washington, D.C. But what would happen? When you expel the Dixiecrat, you're expelling the Democrat. When you destroy the power of the Dixiecrat, you are destroying the power of the Democratic Party. So how in the world can the Democratic Party in the South actually side with you, in sincerity, when all of its power is based in the South?
These Northern Democrats are in cahoots with the southern Democrats. They're playing a giant con game, a political con game. You know how it goes. One of 'em comes to you and make believe he's for you. And he's in cahoots with the other one that's not for you. Why? Because neither one of 'em is for you. But they got to make you go with one of 'em or the other.
So this is a con game, and this is what they've been doing with you and me all of these years. First thing, Johnson got off the plane when he become president, he ask, "Where's Dickey?" You know who Dickey is? Dickey is old southern cracker Richard Russell. Lookie here! Yes, Lyndon B. Johnson's best friend is the one who is a head, who's heading the forces that are filibustering civil rights legislation. You tell me how in the hell is he going to be Johnson's best friend? How can Johnson be his friend and your friend too? No, that man is too tricky. Especially if his friend is still ol' Dickey. Whenever the Negroes keep the Democrats in power they're keeping the Dixiecrats in power. This is true! A vote for a Democrat is nothing but a vote for a Dixiecrat. I know you don't like me saying that. I'm not the kind of person who come here to say what you like. I'm going to tell you the truth whether you like it or not. Up here in the North you have the same thing. The Democratic Party don't – they don't do it that way. They got a thing they call gerrymandering. They maneuver you out of power. Even though you can vote they fix it so you're voting for nobody. They got you going and coming. In the South they're outright political wolves, in the North they're political foxes. A fox and a wolf are both canine, both belong to the dog family. Now, you take your choice. You going to choose a northern dog or a southern dog? Because either dog you choose, I guarantee you, you'll still be in the doghouse.
This is why I say it's the ballot or the bullet. It's liberty or it's death. It's freedom for everybody or freedom for nobody. America today finds herself in a unique situation. Historically, revolutions are bloody, oh yes they are. They have never had a bloodless revolution. Or a non-violent revolution. That don't happen even in Hollywood You don't have a revolution in which you love your enemy. And you don't have a revolution in which you are begging the system of exploitation to integrate you into it. Revolutions overturn systems. Revolutions destroy systems.
A revolution is bloody, but America is in a unique position. She's the only country in history, in the position actually to become involved in a bloodless revolution. The Russian Revolution was bloody, Chinese Revolution was bloody, French Revolution was bloody, Cuban Revolution was bloody. And there was nothing more bloody than the American Revolution. But today, this country can become involved in a revolution that won't take bloodshed. All she's got to do is give the black man in this country everything that's due him, everything. I hope that the white man can see this. 'Cause if you don't see it you're finished. If you don't see it you're going to become involved in some action in which you don't have a chance. We don't care anything about your atomic bomb; it's useless, because other countries have atomic bombs. When two or three different countries have atomic bombs, nobody can use them. So it means that the white man today is without a weapon. If you want some action you've got to come on down to Earth, and there's more black people on Earth than there are white people. I only got a couple more minutes. The white man can never win another war on the ground. His days of war – victory – his days of battleground victory are over. Can I prove it? Yes. Take all the action that's going on this Earth right now that he's involved in. Tell me where he's winning – nowhere. Why, some rice farmers, some rice farmers! Some rice-eaters ran him out of Korea, yes they ran him out of Korea. Rice-eaters, with nothing but gym shoes and a rifle and a bowl of rice, took him and his tanks and his napalm and all that other action he's supposed to have and ran him across the Yalu. Why? Because the day that he can win on the ground has passed.
Up in French Indochina, those little peasants, rice-growers, took on the might of the French army and ran all the Frenchmen, you remember Dien Bien Phu! The same thing happened in Algeria, in Africa. They didn't have anything but a rifle. The French had all these highly mechanized instruments of warfare. But they put some guerilla action on. And a white man can't fight a guerilla warfare. Guerilla action takes heart, take nerve, and he doesn't have that. He's brave when he's got tanks. He's brave when he's got planes. He's brave when he's got bombs. He's brave when he's got a whole lot of company along with him. But you take that little man from Africa and Asia; turn him loose in the woods with a blade. A blade. That's all he needs. All he needs is a blade. And when the sun comes down – goes down and it's dark, it's even-Stephen. So it's the, it's the ballot or the bullet. Today, our people can see that we're faced with a government conspiracy. This government has failed us. The senators who are filibustering concerning your and my rights, that's the government. Don't say it's southern senators, this is the government. This is a government filibuster. It's not a segregationist filibuster, it's a government filibuster. Any kind of activity that takes place on the floor of the Congress or the Senate, that's the government. Any kind of dilly-dallying, that's the government. Any kind of pussy-footing, that's the government. Any kind of act that's designed to delay or deprive you and me, right now, of getting full rights, that's the government that's responsible. And anytime you find the government involved in a conspiracy to violate the citizenship or the civil rights of a people in 1964, then you are wasting your time going to that government expecting redress. Instead you have to take that government to the world court and accuse it of genocide and all of the other crimes that it is guilty of today. So those of us whose political and economic and social philosophy is black nationalism have become involved in the civil rights struggle. We have injected ourselves into the civil rights struggle. And we intend to expand it from the level of civil rights to the level of human rights. As long as you fight it on the level of civil rights, you're under Uncle Sam's jurisdiction. You're going to his court expecting him to correct the problem. He created the problem. He's the criminal! You don't take your case to the criminal, you take your criminal to court. When the government of South Africa began to trample upon the human rights of the people of South Africa they were taken to the U.N. When the government of Portugal began to trample upon the rights of our brothers and sisters in Angola, it was taken before the U.N. Why, even the white man took the Hungarian question to the U.N. And just this week, Chief Justice Goldberg was crying over three million Jews in Russia, about their human rights – charging Russia with violating the U.N. Charter because of its mistreatment of the human rights of Jews in Russia. Now you tell me how can the plight of everybody on this Earth reach the halls of the United Nations and you have twenty-two million Afro-Americans whose churches are being bombed, whose little girls are being murdered, whose leaders are being shot down in broad daylight? Now you tell me why the leaders of this struggle have never taken [recording impaired ] [their case to the U.N.?]
So our next move is to take the entire civil rights struggle – problem – into the United Nations and let the world see that Uncle Sam is guilty of violating the human rights of 22 million Afro-Americans right down to the year of 1964 and still has the audacity or the nerve to stand up and represent himself as the leader of the free world?Not only is he a crook, he's a hypocrite. Here he is standing up in front of other people, Uncle Sam, with the blood of your and mine mothers and fathers on his hands. With the blood dripping down his jaws like a bloody-jawed wolf. And still got the nerve to point his finger at other countries. In 1964 you can't even get civil rights legislation and this man has got the nerve to stand up and talk about South Africa or talk about Nazi Germany or talk about Portugal. No, no more days like those! So I say in my conclusion, the only way we're going to solve it: we got to unite. We got to work together in unity and harmony. And black nationalism is the key. How we gonna overcome the tendency to be at each other's throats that always exists in our neighborhood? And the reason this tendency exists – the strategy of the white man has always been divide and conquer. He keeps us divided in order to conquer us. He tells you, I'm for separation and you for integration, and keep us fighting with each other. No, I'm not for separation and you're not for integration, what you and I are for is freedom. Only, you think that integration will get you freedom; I think that separation will get me freedom. We both got the same objective, we just got different ways of getting' at it. So I studied this man, Billy Graham, who preaches white nationalism. That's what he preaches. I say, that's what he preaches. The whole church structure in this country is white nationalism, you go inside a white church – that's what they preaching, white nationalism. They got Jesus white, Mary white, God white, everybody white – that's white nationalism. So what he does – the way he circumvents the jealousy and envy that he ordinarily would incur among the heads of the church – whenever you go into an area where the church already is, you going to run into trouble. Because they got that thing, what you call it, syndicated … they got a syndicate just like the racketeers have. I'm going to say what's on my mind because the preachers already proved to you that they got a syndicate. And when you're out in the rackets, whenever you're getting in another man's territory, you know, they gang up on you. And that's the same way with you. You run into the same thing. So how Billy Graham gets around that, instead of going into somebody else's territory, like he going to start a new church, he doesn't try and start a church, he just goes in preaching Christ. And he says anybody who believe in him, you go wherever you find him.
So, this helps all the churches, and since it helps all the churches, they don't fight him. Well, we going to do the same thing, only our gospel is black nationalism. His gospel is white nationalism, our gospel is black nationalism. And the gospel of black nationalism, as I told you, means you should control your own, the politics of your community, the economy of your community, and all of the society in which you live should be under your control. And once you…feel that this philosophy will solve your problem, go join any church where that's preached. Don't join any church where white nationalism is preached. Why, you can go to a Negro church and be exposed to white nationalism. 'Cause when you are on – when you walk in a Negro church and see a white Jesus and a white Mary and some white angels, that Negro church is preaching white nationalism. But, when you go to a church and you see the pastor of that church with a philosophy and a program that's designed to bring black people together and elevate black people, join that church. Join that church. If you see where the NAACP is preaching and practicing that which is designed to make black nationalism materialize, join the NAACP. Join any kind of organization – civic, religious, fraternal, political or otherwise that's based on lifting the black man up and making him master of his own community.
08 June, 2020
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Zora Neale Hurston/folklore
Today's assignments: read poems/quiz
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 985 3841 6323
Password: 5kBeJP
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98538416323?pwd=eDNjY3F6cFNKYmNxbU5OZDcrSk4yUT09
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Zora Neale Hurston/folklore
Today's assignments: read poems/quiz
Concepts covered:
- Learn about important figures of the Harlem Renaissance
- Literary nonfiction
- Vernacular
- Folklore
Meeting ID: 985 3841 6323
Password: 5kBeJP
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98538416323?pwd=eDNjY3F6cFNKYmNxbU5OZDcrSk4yUT09
05 June, 2020
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Zora Neale Hurston/folklore
Today's assignments: read poems/quiz
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 933 9913 0315
Password: 2E2MPb
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93399130315?pwd=eGxaZnVaYmxJaXNtSnFJSFRDWnRFQT09
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Zora Neale Hurston/folklore
Today's assignments: read poems/quiz
Concepts covered:
- Learn about important figures of the Harlem Renaissance
- Figurative language
- Theme
- Folklore
Meeting ID: 933 9913 0315
Password: 2E2MPb
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93399130315?pwd=eGxaZnVaYmxJaXNtSnFJSFRDWnRFQT09
How It Feels to Be Colored Me
by Zora Neale Hurston
I am colored but I offer nothing in the way of extenuating circumstances except the fact that I am the only Negro in the United States whose grandfather on the mother's side was not an Indian chief.
I remember the very day that I became colored. Up to my thirteenth year I lived in the little Negro town of Eatonville, Florida. It is exclusively a colored town. The only white people I knew passed through the town going to or coming from Orlando. The native whites rode dusty horses, the Northern tourists chugged down the sandy village road in automobiles. The town knew the Southerners and never stopped cane chewing when they passed. But the Northerners were something else again. They were peered at cautiously from behind curtains by the timid. The more venturesome would come out on the porch to watch them go past and got just as much pleasure out of the tourists as the tourists got out of the village.
The front porch might seem a daring place for the rest of the town, but it was a gallery seat for me. My favorite place was atop the gatepost. Proscenium box for a born first-nighter. Not only did I enjoy the show, but I didn't mind the actors knowing that I liked it. I usually spoke to them in passing. I'd wave at them and when they returned my salute, I would say something like this: “Howdy-do-well-I -thank-you-where-you-goin'?" Usually automobile or the horse paused at this, and after a queer exchange of compliments, I would probably "go a piece of the way" with them, as we say in farthest Florida. If one of my family happened to come to the front in time to see me, of course negotiations would be rudely broken off. But even so, it is clear that I was the first "welcome-to-our-state" Floridian, and I hope the Miami Chamber of Commerce will please take Notice.
During this period, white people differed from colored to me only in that they rode through town and never lived there. They liked to hear me "speak pieces" and sing and wanted to see me dance the parse-me-la, and gave me generously of their small silver for doing these things, which seemed strange to me for I wanted to do them so much that I needed bribing to stop, only they didn't know it. The colored people gave no dimes. They deplored any joyful tendencies in me, but I was their Zora nevertheless. I belonged to them, to the nearby hotels, to the county--everybody's Zora.
But changes came in the family when I was thirteen, and I was sent to school in Jacksonville. I left Eatonville, the town of the oleanders, a Zora. When I disembarked from the river-boat at Jacksonville, she was no more. It seemed that I had suffered a sea change. I was not Zora of Orange County any more, I was now a little colored girl. I found it out in certain ways. In my heart as well as in the mirror, I became a fast brown--warranted not to rub nor run.
But I am not tragically colored. There is no great sorrow dammed up in my soul, nor lurking behind my eyes. I do not mind at all. I do not belong to the sobbing school of Negrohood who hold that nature somehow has given them a lowdown dirty deal and whose feelings are all but about it. Even in the helter-skelter skirmish that is my life, I have seen that the world is to the strong regardless of a little pigmentation more of less. No, I do not weep at the world--I am too busy sharpening my oyster knife.
Someone is always at my elbow reminding me that I am the granddaughter of slaves. It fails to register depression with me. Slavery is sixty years in the past. The operation was successful and the patient is doing well, thank you. The terrible struggle that made me an American out of a potential slave said "On the line!" The Reconstruction said "Get set!" and the generation before said "Go!" I am off to a flying start and I must not halt in the stretch to look behind and weep. Slavery is the price I paid for civilization, and the choice was not with me. It is a bully adventure and worth all that I have paid through my ancestors for it. No one on earth ever had a greater chance for glory. The world to be won and nothing to be lost. It is thrilling to think--to know that for any act of mine, I shall get twice as much praise or twice as much blame. It is quite exciting to hold the center of the national stage, with the spectators not knowing whether to laugh or to weep.
The position of my white neighbor is much more difficult. No brown specter pulls up a chair beside me when I sit down to eat. No dark ghost thrusts its leg against mine in bed. The game of keeping what one has is never so exciting as the game of getting.
I do not always feel colored. Even now I often achieve the unconscious Zora of Eatonville before the Hegira. I feel most colored when I am thrown against a sharp white background.
For instance at Barnard. "Beside the waters of the Hudson" I feel my race. Among the thousand white persons, I am a dark rock surged upon, and overswept, but through it all, I remain myself.When covered by the waters, I am; and the ebb but reveals me again.
Sometimes it is the other way around. A white person is set down in our midst, but the contrast is just as sharp for me. For instance, when I sit in the drafty basement that is The New World Cabaret with a white person, my color comes. We enter chatting about any little nothing that we have in common and are seated by the jazz waiters. In the abrupt way that jazz orchestras have, this one plunges into a number. It loses no time in circumlocutions, but gets right down to business. It constricts the thorax and splits the heart with its tempo and narcotic harmonies. This orchestra grows rambunctious, rears on its hind legs and attacks the tonal veil with primitive fury, rending it, clawing it until it breaks through to the jungle beyond. I follow those heathen--follow them exultingly. I dance wildly inside myself; I yell within, I whoop; I shake my assegai above my head, I hurl it true to the mark yeeeeooww! I am in the jungle and living in the jungle way. My face is painted red and yellow and my body is painted blue. My pulse is throbbing like a war drum. I want to slaughter something--give pain, give death to what, I do not know. But the piece ends. The men of the orchestra wipe their lips and rest their fingers. I creep back slowly to the veneer we call civilization with the last tone and find the white friend sitting motionless in his seat, smoking Calmly.
"Good music they have here," he remarks, drumming the table with his fingertips.
Music. The great blobs of purple and red emotion have not touched him. He has only heard what I felt. He is far away and I see him but dimly across the ocean and the continent that have fallen between us. He is so pale with his whiteness then and I am so colored.
At certain times I have no race, I am me. When I set my hat at a certain angle and saunter down Seventh Avenue, Harlem City, feeling as snooty as the lions in front of the Forty-Second Street Library, for instance. So far as my feelings are concerned, Peggy Hopkins Joyce on the Boule Mich with her gorgeous raiment, stately carriage, knees knocking together in a most aristocratic manner, has nothing on me. The cosmic Zora emerges. I belong to no race nor time. I am the eternal feminine with its string of beads.
I have no separate feeling about being an American citizen and colored. I am merely a fragment of the Great Soul that surges within the boundaries. My country, right or wrong.
Sometimes, I feel discriminated against, but it does not make me angry. It merely astonishes me. How can any deny themselves the pleasure of my company? It's beyond me.
But in the main, I feel like a brown bag of miscellany propped against a wall. Against a wall in company with other bags, white, red and yellow. Pour out the contents, and there is discovered a jumble of small things priceless and worthless. A first-water diamond, an empty spool, bits of broken glass, lengths of string, a key to a door long since crumbled away, a rusty knife-blade, old shoes saved for a road that never was and never will be, a nail bent under the weight of things too heavy for any nail, a dried flower or two still a little fragrant. In your hand is the brown bag. On the ground before you is the jumble it held--so much like the jumble in the bags, could they be emptied, that all might be dumped in a single heap and the bags refilled without altering the content of any greatly. A bit of colored glass more or less would not matter. Perhaps that is how the Great Stuffer of Bags filled them in the first place--who knows?
by Zora Neale Hurston
I am colored but I offer nothing in the way of extenuating circumstances except the fact that I am the only Negro in the United States whose grandfather on the mother's side was not an Indian chief.
I remember the very day that I became colored. Up to my thirteenth year I lived in the little Negro town of Eatonville, Florida. It is exclusively a colored town. The only white people I knew passed through the town going to or coming from Orlando. The native whites rode dusty horses, the Northern tourists chugged down the sandy village road in automobiles. The town knew the Southerners and never stopped cane chewing when they passed. But the Northerners were something else again. They were peered at cautiously from behind curtains by the timid. The more venturesome would come out on the porch to watch them go past and got just as much pleasure out of the tourists as the tourists got out of the village.
The front porch might seem a daring place for the rest of the town, but it was a gallery seat for me. My favorite place was atop the gatepost. Proscenium box for a born first-nighter. Not only did I enjoy the show, but I didn't mind the actors knowing that I liked it. I usually spoke to them in passing. I'd wave at them and when they returned my salute, I would say something like this: “Howdy-do-well-I -thank-you-where-you-goin'?" Usually automobile or the horse paused at this, and after a queer exchange of compliments, I would probably "go a piece of the way" with them, as we say in farthest Florida. If one of my family happened to come to the front in time to see me, of course negotiations would be rudely broken off. But even so, it is clear that I was the first "welcome-to-our-state" Floridian, and I hope the Miami Chamber of Commerce will please take Notice.
During this period, white people differed from colored to me only in that they rode through town and never lived there. They liked to hear me "speak pieces" and sing and wanted to see me dance the parse-me-la, and gave me generously of their small silver for doing these things, which seemed strange to me for I wanted to do them so much that I needed bribing to stop, only they didn't know it. The colored people gave no dimes. They deplored any joyful tendencies in me, but I was their Zora nevertheless. I belonged to them, to the nearby hotels, to the county--everybody's Zora.
But changes came in the family when I was thirteen, and I was sent to school in Jacksonville. I left Eatonville, the town of the oleanders, a Zora. When I disembarked from the river-boat at Jacksonville, she was no more. It seemed that I had suffered a sea change. I was not Zora of Orange County any more, I was now a little colored girl. I found it out in certain ways. In my heart as well as in the mirror, I became a fast brown--warranted not to rub nor run.
But I am not tragically colored. There is no great sorrow dammed up in my soul, nor lurking behind my eyes. I do not mind at all. I do not belong to the sobbing school of Negrohood who hold that nature somehow has given them a lowdown dirty deal and whose feelings are all but about it. Even in the helter-skelter skirmish that is my life, I have seen that the world is to the strong regardless of a little pigmentation more of less. No, I do not weep at the world--I am too busy sharpening my oyster knife.
Someone is always at my elbow reminding me that I am the granddaughter of slaves. It fails to register depression with me. Slavery is sixty years in the past. The operation was successful and the patient is doing well, thank you. The terrible struggle that made me an American out of a potential slave said "On the line!" The Reconstruction said "Get set!" and the generation before said "Go!" I am off to a flying start and I must not halt in the stretch to look behind and weep. Slavery is the price I paid for civilization, and the choice was not with me. It is a bully adventure and worth all that I have paid through my ancestors for it. No one on earth ever had a greater chance for glory. The world to be won and nothing to be lost. It is thrilling to think--to know that for any act of mine, I shall get twice as much praise or twice as much blame. It is quite exciting to hold the center of the national stage, with the spectators not knowing whether to laugh or to weep.
The position of my white neighbor is much more difficult. No brown specter pulls up a chair beside me when I sit down to eat. No dark ghost thrusts its leg against mine in bed. The game of keeping what one has is never so exciting as the game of getting.
I do not always feel colored. Even now I often achieve the unconscious Zora of Eatonville before the Hegira. I feel most colored when I am thrown against a sharp white background.
For instance at Barnard. "Beside the waters of the Hudson" I feel my race. Among the thousand white persons, I am a dark rock surged upon, and overswept, but through it all, I remain myself.When covered by the waters, I am; and the ebb but reveals me again.
Sometimes it is the other way around. A white person is set down in our midst, but the contrast is just as sharp for me. For instance, when I sit in the drafty basement that is The New World Cabaret with a white person, my color comes. We enter chatting about any little nothing that we have in common and are seated by the jazz waiters. In the abrupt way that jazz orchestras have, this one plunges into a number. It loses no time in circumlocutions, but gets right down to business. It constricts the thorax and splits the heart with its tempo and narcotic harmonies. This orchestra grows rambunctious, rears on its hind legs and attacks the tonal veil with primitive fury, rending it, clawing it until it breaks through to the jungle beyond. I follow those heathen--follow them exultingly. I dance wildly inside myself; I yell within, I whoop; I shake my assegai above my head, I hurl it true to the mark yeeeeooww! I am in the jungle and living in the jungle way. My face is painted red and yellow and my body is painted blue. My pulse is throbbing like a war drum. I want to slaughter something--give pain, give death to what, I do not know. But the piece ends. The men of the orchestra wipe their lips and rest their fingers. I creep back slowly to the veneer we call civilization with the last tone and find the white friend sitting motionless in his seat, smoking Calmly.
"Good music they have here," he remarks, drumming the table with his fingertips.
Music. The great blobs of purple and red emotion have not touched him. He has only heard what I felt. He is far away and I see him but dimly across the ocean and the continent that have fallen between us. He is so pale with his whiteness then and I am so colored.
At certain times I have no race, I am me. When I set my hat at a certain angle and saunter down Seventh Avenue, Harlem City, feeling as snooty as the lions in front of the Forty-Second Street Library, for instance. So far as my feelings are concerned, Peggy Hopkins Joyce on the Boule Mich with her gorgeous raiment, stately carriage, knees knocking together in a most aristocratic manner, has nothing on me. The cosmic Zora emerges. I belong to no race nor time. I am the eternal feminine with its string of beads.
I have no separate feeling about being an American citizen and colored. I am merely a fragment of the Great Soul that surges within the boundaries. My country, right or wrong.
Sometimes, I feel discriminated against, but it does not make me angry. It merely astonishes me. How can any deny themselves the pleasure of my company? It's beyond me.
But in the main, I feel like a brown bag of miscellany propped against a wall. Against a wall in company with other bags, white, red and yellow. Pour out the contents, and there is discovered a jumble of small things priceless and worthless. A first-water diamond, an empty spool, bits of broken glass, lengths of string, a key to a door long since crumbled away, a rusty knife-blade, old shoes saved for a road that never was and never will be, a nail bent under the weight of things too heavy for any nail, a dried flower or two still a little fragrant. In your hand is the brown bag. On the ground before you is the jumble it held--so much like the jumble in the bags, could they be emptied, that all might be dumped in a single heap and the bags refilled without altering the content of any greatly. A bit of colored glass more or less would not matter. Perhaps that is how the Great Stuffer of Bags filled them in the first place--who knows?
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
04 June, 2020
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Langston Hughes/ Harlem Renaissance/ elements of poetry
Today's assignments: questions/speaker match/quiz
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 936 5467 3037
Password: 5zS5mc
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93654673037?pwd=cWVseU44V0VCN2lQNjB5dHhYMEtXUT09
Link to quiz: https://quizizz.com
Today's lesson: Langston Hughes/ Harlem Renaissance/ elements of poetry
Today's assignments: questions/speaker match/quiz
Concepts covered:
- Learn about important figures of the Harlem Renaissance
- Figurative language
- Theme
- Poetic structure
- Rhyme scheme
Meeting ID: 936 5467 3037
Password: 5zS5mc
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93654673037?pwd=cWVseU44V0VCN2lQNjB5dHhYMEtXUT09
03 June, 2020
Today's lesson: understanding of geography and elements of poetry
Today's assignments: speaker match
Concepts covered:
Meeting ID: 938 9978 4077
Password: 8AJ9Uh
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93899784077?pwd=dlZiNlFwRWhZdlBjT2Noc2xPT3g0Zz09
Today's lesson: understanding of geography and elements of poetry
Today's assignments: speaker match
Concepts covered:
- Learn about important figures of the Harlem Renaissance
- Figurative language
- Speaker
- Rhythm
Meeting ID: 938 9978 4077
Password: 8AJ9Uh
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93899784077?pwd=dlZiNlFwRWhZdlBjT2Noc2xPT3g0Zz09
03 June, 2020 update - we finished the Hughes poems and started working on the 'speaker' chart, but I don't think we spent enough time on that. We will work on those some more tomorrow.
02 June, 2020
Today's lesson: understanding of geography and elements of poetry
Today's assignments: Read poems and learn about geography/quiz
Meeting ID: 939 8756 9307
Password: 4wcju7
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93987569307?pwd=eU5sWERGeUFnZmQ3UVM3V1hURWpWdz09
Today's lesson: understanding of geography and elements of poetry
Today's assignments: Read poems and learn about geography/quiz
Meeting ID: 939 8756 9307
Password: 4wcju7
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93987569307?pwd=eU5sWERGeUFnZmQ3UVM3V1hURWpWdz09
01 June, 2020
Today's goal: demonstrating understanding of the story and elements of poetry
Today's assignments: Review story and learn about geography
Meeting ID: 943 7444 8572
Password: 3TJNnM
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/94374448572?pwd=MjVDYmpHQzBOWlNIajJPdUx2WXM1Zz09
Today's goal: demonstrating understanding of the story and elements of poetry
Today's assignments: Review story and learn about geography
Meeting ID: 943 7444 8572
Password: 3TJNnM
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/94374448572?pwd=MjVDYmpHQzBOWlNIajJPdUx2WXM1Zz09
- Wrap up ‘The Masque of the Red Death’
- Introduction to the Harlem Renaissance
- Poetry lesson
- Poetry reading
You'll need the answers to these questions for class tomorrow. Send the answers to me for today's grade.
29 May, 2020
Today's goal: demonstrating understanding of the story and grammar
Today's assignments: Review story and take quizzes
Meeting ID: 968 3448 5192
Password: Os1Txn
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96834485192?pwd=UmU5MVdGa2lkdTBiamxlaURNb2xhZz09
Quiz link: quizizz.com/join/
Today's goal: demonstrating understanding of the story and grammar
Today's assignments: Review story and take quizzes
Meeting ID: 968 3448 5192
Password: Os1Txn
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96834485192?pwd=UmU5MVdGa2lkdTBiamxlaURNb2xhZz09
Quiz link: quizizz.com/join/
This file below is a copy of the quiz, for those who couldn't be in class Friday.
‘the_masque_of_the_red_death’_.pdf | |
File Size: | 74 kb |
File Type: |
28 May, 2020
Today's lesson: interpreting complex language
Today's goal: to be able to understand the details of the story
Today's assignments: produce visual representation of story elements
Meeting ID: 943 4930 3737
Password: 5qSBh5
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/94349303737?pwd=MG1CZ3NEbXRHcEdLQlQzNUhxa2NTdz09
Today's lesson: interpreting complex language
Today's goal: to be able to understand the details of the story
Today's assignments: produce visual representation of story elements
Meeting ID: 943 4930 3737
Password: 5qSBh5
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/94349303737?pwd=MG1CZ3NEbXRHcEdLQlQzNUhxa2NTdz09
Text of the story: www.eapoe.org/works/tales/masquec.htm
THE MASQUE OF THE RED DEATH
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
By: Edgar Allan Poe
THE “Red Death” had long devastated the country. No pestilence had ever been so fatal, or so hideous. Blood was its Avator [Avatar] and its seal — the redness and the horror of blood. There were sharp pains, and sudden dizziness, and then profuse bleeding at the pores, with dissolution. The scarlet stains upon the body and especially upon the face of the victim, were the pest ban which shut him out from the aid and from the sympathy of his fellow-men. And the whole seizure, progress and termination of the disease, were the incidents of half an hour.
But the Prince Prospero was happy and dauntless and sagacious. When his dominions were half depopulated, he summoned to his presence a thousand hale and light-hearted friends from among the knights and dames of his court, and with these retired to the deep seclusion of one of his castellated abbeys. This was an extensive and magnificent structure, the creation of the prince’s own eccentric yet august taste. A strong and lofty wall girdled it in. This wall had gates of iron. The courtiers, having entered, brought furnaces and massy hammers and welded the bolts. They resolved to leave means neither of ingress or egress to the sudden impulses of despair or of frenzy from within. The abbey was amply provisioned. With such precautions the courtiers might bid defiance to contagion. The external world could take care of itself. In the meantime it was folly to grieve, or to think. The prince had provided all the appliances of pleasure. There were buffoons, there were improvisatori, there were ballet-dancers, there were musicians, there was Beauty, there was wine. All these and security were within. Without was the “Red Death.”
It was toward the close of the fifth or sixth month of his seclusion, and while the pestilence raged most furiously abroad, that the Prince Prospero entertained his thousand friends at a masked ball of the most unusual magnificence.
It was a voluptuous scene, that masquerade. But first let me tell of the rooms in which it was held. There were seven — an imperial suite. In many palaces, however, such suites form a long and straight vista, while the folding doors slide back nearly to the walls on either hand, so that the view of the whole extent is scarcely impeded. Here the case was very different; as might have been expected from the duke’s love of the bizarre. The apartments were so irregularly disposed that the vision embraced but little more than one at a time. There was a sharp turn at every twenty or thirty yards, and at each turn a novel effect. To the right and left, in the middle of each wall, a tall and narrow Gothic window looked out upon a closed corridor which pursued the windings of the suite. These windows were of stained glass whose color varied in accordance with the prevailing hue of the decorations of the chamber into which it opened. That at the eastern extremity was hung, for example in blue — and vividly blue were its windows. The second chamber was purple in its ornaments and tapestries, and here the panes were purple. The third was green throughout, and so were the casements. The fourth was furnished and lighted with orange — the fifth with white — the sixth with violet. The seventh apartment was closely shrouded in black velvet tapestries that hung all over the ceiling and down the walls, falling in heavy folds upon a carpet of the same material and hue. But in this chamber only, the color of the windows failed to correspond with the decorations. The panes here were scarlet — a deep blood color. Now in no one of the seven apartments was there any lamp or candelabrum, amid the profusion of golden ornaments that lay scattered to and fro or depended from the roof. There was no light of any kind emanating from lamp or candle within the suite of chambers. But in the corridors that followed the suite, there stood, opposite to each window, a heavy tripod, bearing a brazier of fire, that projected its rays through the tinted glass and so glaringly illumined the room. And thus were produced a multitude of gaudy and fantastic appearances. But in the western or black chamber the effect of the fire-light that streamed upon the dark hangings through the blood-tinted panes, was ghastly in the extreme, and produced so wild a look upon the countenances of those who entered, that there were few of the company bold enough to set foot within its precincts at all.
It was in this apartment, also, that there stood against the western wall, a gigantic clock of ebony. Its pendulum swung to and fro with a dull, heavy, monotonous clang; and when the minute-hand made the circuit of the face, and the hour was to be stricken, there came from the brazen lungs of the clock a sound which was clear and loud and deep and exceedingly musical, but of so peculiar a note and emphasis that, at each lapse of an hour, the musicians of the orchestra were constrained to pause, momentarily, in their performance, to harken to the sound; and thus the waltzers perforce ceased their evolutions; and there was a brief disconcert of the whole gay company; and, while the chimes of the clock yet rang, it was observed that the giddiest grew pale, and the more aged and sedate passed their hands over their brows as if in confused revery or meditation. But when the echoes had fully ceased, a light laughter at once pervaded the assembly; the musicians looked at each other and smiled as if at their own nervousness and folly, and made whispering vows, each to the other, that the next chiming of the clock should produce in them no similar emotion; and then, after the lapse of sixty minutes, (which embrace three thousand and six hundred seconds of the Time that flies,) there came yet another chiming of the clock, and then were the same disconcert and tremulousness and meditation as before.
But, in spite of these things, it was a gay and magnificent revel. The tastes of the duke were peculiar. He had a fine eye for colors and effects. He disregarded the decora of mere fashion. His plans were bold and fiery, and his conceptions glowed with barbaric lustre. There are some who would have thought him mad. His followers felt that he was not. It was necessary to hear and see and touch him to be sure that he was not.
He had directed, in great part, the moveable embellishments of the seven chambers, upon occasion of this great fete; and it was his own guiding taste which had given character to the masqueraders. Be sure they were grotesque. There were much glare and glitter and piquancy and phantasm — much of what has been since seen in “Hernani.” There were arabesque figures with unsuited limbs and appointments. There were delirious fancies such as the madman fashions. There were much of the beautiful, much of the wanton, much of the bizarre, something of the terrible, and not a little of that which might have excited disgust. To and fro in the seven chambers there stalked, in fact, a multitude of dreams. And these — the dreams — writhed in and about, taking hue from the rooms, and causing the wild music of the orchestra to seem as the echo of their steps. And, anon, there strikes the ebony clock which stands in the hall of the velvet. And then, for a moment, all is still, and all is silent save the voice of the clock. The dreams are stiff-frozen as they stand. But the echoes of the chime die away — they have endured but an instant — and a light, half-subdued laughter floats after them as they depart. And now again the music swells, and the dreams live, and writhe to and fro more merrily than ever, taking hue from the many tinted windows through which stream the rays from the tripods. But to the chamber which lies most westwardly of the seven, there are now none of the maskers who venture; for the night is waning away; and there flows a ruddier light through the blood-colored panes; and the blackness of the sable drapery appals; and to him whose foot falls upon the sable carpet, there comes from the near clock of ebony a muffled peal more solemnly emphatic than any which reaches their ears who indulge in the more remote gaieties of the other apartments.
But these other apartments were densely crowded, and in them beat feverishly the heart of life. And the revel went whirlingly on, until at length there commenced the sounding of midnight upon the clock. And then the music ceased, as I have told; and the evolutions of the waltzers were quieted; and there was an uneasy cessation of all things as before. But now there were twelve strokes to be sounded by the bell of the clock; and thus it happened, perhaps that more of thought crept, with more of time, into the meditations of the thoughtful among those who revelled. And thus too, it happened, perhaps, that before the last echoes of the last chime had utterly sunk into silence, there were many individuals in the crowd who had found leisure to become aware of the presence of a masked figure which had arrested the attention of no single individual before. And the rumor of this new presence having spread itself whisperingly around, there arose at length from the whole company a buzz, or murmur, expressive of disapprobation and surprise — then, finally, of terror, of horror, and of disgust.
In an assembly of phantasms such as I have painted, it may well be supposed that no ordinary appearance could have excited such sensation. In truth the masquerade license of the night was nearly unlimited; but the figure in question had out-Heroded Herod, and gone beyond the bounds of even the prince’s indefinite decorum. There are chords in the hearts of the most reckless which cannot be touched without emotion. Even with the utterly lost, to whom life and death are equally jests, there are matters of which no jest can be made. The whole company, indeed, seemed now deeply to feel that in the costume and bearing of the stranger neither wit nor propriety existed. The figure was tall and gaunt, and shrouded from head to foot in the habiliments of the grave. The mask which concealed the visage was made so nearly to resemble the countenance of a stiffened corpse that the closest scrutiny must have had difficulty in detecting the cheat. And yet all this might have been endured, if not approved, by the mad revellers around. But the mummer had gone so far as to assume the type of the Red Death. His vesture was dabbled in blood — and his broad brow, with all the features of the face, was besprinkled with the scarlet horror.
When the eyes of Prince Prospero fell upon this spectral image (which with a slow and solemn movement, as if more fully to sustain its role, stalked to and fro among the waltzers) he was seen to be convulsed, in the first moment with a strong shudder either of terror or distaste; but, in the next, his brow reddened with rage.
“Who dares?” he demanded hoarsely of the courtiers who stood near him — “who dares insult us with this blasphemous mockery? Seize him and unmask him — that we may know whom we have to hang at sunrise, from the battlements!”
It was in the eastern or blue chamber in which stood the Prince Prospero as he uttered these words. They rang throughout the seven rooms loudly and clearly — for the prince was a bold and robust man, and the music had become hushed at the waving of his hand.
It was in the blue room where stood the prince, with a group of pale courtiers by his side. At first, as he spoke, there was a slight rushing movement of this group in the direction of the intruder, who, at the moment was also near at hand, and now, with deliberate and stately step, made closer approach to the speaker. But from a certain nameless awe with which the mad assumptions of the mummer had inspired the whole party, there were found none who put forth hand to seize him; so that, unimpeded, he passed within a yard of the prince’s person; and, while the vast assembly, as if with one impulse, shrank from the centres of the rooms to the walls, he made his way uninterruptedly, but with the same solemn and measured step which had distinguished him from the first, through the blue chamber to the purple — through the purple to the green — through the green to the orange — through this again to the white — and even thence to the violet, ere a decided movement had been made to arrest him. It was then, however, that the Prince Prospero, maddening with rage and the shame of his own momentary cowardice, rushed hurriedly through the six chambers, while none followed him on account of a deadly terror that had seized upon all. He bore aloft a drawn dagger, and had approached, in rapid impetuosity, to within three or four feet of the retreating figure, when the latter, having attained the extremity of the velvet apartment, turned suddenly and confronted his pursuer. There was a sharp cry — and the dagger dropped gleaming upon the sable carpet, upon which, instantly afterwards, fell prostrate in death the Prince Prospero. Then, summoning the wild courage of despair, a throng of the revellers at once threw themselves into the black apartment, and, seizing the mummer, whose tall figure stood erect and motionless within the shadow of the ebony clock, gasped in unutterable horror at finding the grave cerements and corpse-like mask which they handled with so violent a rudeness, untenanted by any tangible form.
And now was acknowledged the presence of the Red Death. He had come like a thief in the night. And one by one dropped the revellers in the blood-bedewed halls of their revel, and died each in the despairing posture of his fall. And the life of the ebony clock went out with that of the last of the gay. And the flames of the tripods expired. And Darkness and Decay and the Red Death held illimitable dominion over all.
27 May, 2020
Today's lesson: historical context: black death and medieval times
Today's goal: to be able to understand the cultural context of the story
Today's assignments: TBD
Meeting ID: 935 1818 7043
Password: 1saRJp
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93518187043?pwd=dU5EWGp1WUQwWDZqdjRmcmlqcGVqUT09
Today's lesson: historical context: black death and medieval times
Today's goal: to be able to understand the cultural context of the story
Today's assignments: TBD
Meeting ID: 935 1818 7043
Password: 1saRJp
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93518187043?pwd=dU5EWGp1WUQwWDZqdjRmcmlqcGVqUT09
26 May, 2020
Today's lesson: symbolism refresher and intro to allegory
Today's goal: to be able to understand allegory to the point of identifying it -in total and by its various components- in a work of fiction
Today's assignments: make a color symbolism chart and look up details of the 'Black Death'
Meeting ID: 927 4477 1019
Password: OQLxQm
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92744771019?pwd=eDR4UXBORGg4dS9wam9RdE1ja2JKUT09
Today's lesson: symbolism refresher and intro to allegory
Today's goal: to be able to understand allegory to the point of identifying it -in total and by its various components- in a work of fiction
Today's assignments: make a color symbolism chart and look up details of the 'Black Death'
Meeting ID: 927 4477 1019
Password: OQLxQm
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92744771019?pwd=eDR4UXBORGg4dS9wam9RdE1ja2JKUT09
Story text: www.poemuseum.org/the-masque-of-the-red-death
21 May, 2020 Update:
Many of you had issues with the questions over 'Novio Boy' and 'Your World,' so I thought we should spend some more time on it. Step 1 is to read them again.
Today I had you break out into small groups for some collaboration time. This batch of questions is now today's assignment, so I re-posted them at the top so y'all could find them easily. We will revisit the writings about Helen Keller next week.
Many of you had issues with the questions over 'Novio Boy' and 'Your World,' so I thought we should spend some more time on it. Step 1 is to read them again.
Today I had you break out into small groups for some collaboration time. This batch of questions is now today's assignment, so I re-posted them at the top so y'all could find them easily. We will revisit the writings about Helen Keller next week.
21 May, 2020
Today's lesson: expository nonfiction/ poetry reading
Today's goal: read selections and understand their use of style
Today's assignments: answer questions about the reading selections
Meeting ID: 936 2456 8342
Password: 1x1zaZ
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93624568342?pwd=RnNpZlhvSlpsdm4zYTNtRkwyTEdUdz09
Today's lesson: expository nonfiction/ poetry reading
Today's goal: read selections and understand their use of style
Today's assignments: answer questions about the reading selections
Meeting ID: 936 2456 8342
Password: 1x1zaZ
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93624568342?pwd=RnNpZlhvSlpsdm4zYTNtRkwyTEdUdz09
20 May, 2020
Today's lesson: poetry reading
Today's goal: read poems and understand their use of figurative language
Today's assignments: answer questions about the poems and vocabulary review
Meeting ID: 979 4238 1297
Password: 2P98Dp
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/97942381297?pwd=aWkwZnkyQUY4UmM3UU1IYlNlcWtHZz09
Today's lesson: poetry reading
Today's goal: read poems and understand their use of figurative language
Today's assignments: answer questions about the poems and vocabulary review
Meeting ID: 979 4238 1297
Password: 2P98Dp
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/97942381297?pwd=aWkwZnkyQUY4UmM3UU1IYlNlcWtHZz09
19 May, 2020
Today's lesson: poetry reading
Today's goal: read poem 'Your World' and compare it to the scene from 'Novio Boy'
Today's assignments: answer some questions comparing the poem and to the scene from a play
Meeting ID: 924 4131 9658
Password: 4HjJFL
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92441319658?pwd=S0FzalNuclBCY1pOUzBlcGJ1YlNFZz09
Today's lesson: poetry reading
Today's goal: read poem 'Your World' and compare it to the scene from 'Novio Boy'
Today's assignments: answer some questions comparing the poem and to the scene from a play
Meeting ID: 924 4131 9658
Password: 4HjJFL
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92441319658?pwd=S0FzalNuclBCY1pOUzBlcGJ1YlNFZz09
Quotes from page 576 --->
18 May, 2020
Today's lesson: drama study and script reading
Today's goal: learn some academic terms and practice how to study a script
Today's assignments: read the scene from the play 'Novio Boy' and look up some vocabulary words
Meeting ID: 964 2917 6216
Password: 9LfN3z
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96429176216?pwd=UDhpajhsYkxhWUtCUFZCeGdrMTFpUT09
Today's lesson: drama study and script reading
Today's goal: learn some academic terms and practice how to study a script
Today's assignments: read the scene from the play 'Novio Boy' and look up some vocabulary words
Meeting ID: 964 2917 6216
Password: 9LfN3z
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96429176216?pwd=UDhpajhsYkxhWUtCUFZCeGdrMTFpUT09
15 May, 2020
Today's lesson: poetry study
Today's goal: learn about how to study narrative poetry
Today's assignments: read the poem 'Oranges' and answer a few questions
Meeting ID: 967 7712 2849
Password: 7WE5YQ
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96777122849?pwd=eU5BUWlhVHdadDVaMG10b2FLaFJmdz09
Today's lesson: poetry study
Today's goal: learn about how to study narrative poetry
Today's assignments: read the poem 'Oranges' and answer a few questions
Meeting ID: 967 7712 2849
Password: 7WE5YQ
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96777122849?pwd=eU5BUWlhVHdadDVaMG10b2FLaFJmdz09
14 May, 2020
Today's lesson: drama and poetry study
Today's goal: learn about how to study drama and poetry
Today's assignments: read the excerpt from 'Novio Boy' and complete the U7C1 vocabulary
Meeting ID:997-6180-9545
Password:6xqH2K
Zoom link:zoom.us/j/99761809545?pwd=Y2ttaC9VemlrSVNvUHNhNFB0YTNFdz09
Vocabulary U7C1
13 May, 2020
Today's lesson: compound sentences & persuasive writing - interview
Today's goal: learn about persuasion, tone, and purpose
Today's assignment: reading
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98386156392?pwd=a0RWbWdwNzBFWVpWR2htUmNaMVE2UT09
Meeting ID: 983-8615-6392
Password:7ig8N3
Today's lesson: compound sentences & persuasive writing - interview
Today's goal: learn about persuasion, tone, and purpose
Today's assignment: reading
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98386156392?pwd=a0RWbWdwNzBFWVpWR2htUmNaMVE2UT09
Meeting ID: 983-8615-6392
Password:7ig8N3
12 May, 2020
Today's lesson: persuasive writing - job hunt
Today's goal: learn about persuasion, tone, and purpose
Today's assignment: write a cover letter
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/94499976937?pwd=NmZuQWxlUytrR3VxVUZCU1VLK0JEdz09
Meeting ID: 944-9997-6937
Password: 1MmqqH
Write a cover letter. The book has some tips; the video below has more.
Today's lesson: persuasive writing - job hunt
Today's goal: learn about persuasion, tone, and purpose
Today's assignment: write a cover letter
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/94499976937?pwd=NmZuQWxlUytrR3VxVUZCU1VLK0JEdz09
Meeting ID: 944-9997-6937
Password: 1MmqqH
Write a cover letter. The book has some tips; the video below has more.
11 May, 2020
Today's lesson: persuasive writing - job hunt
Today's goal: learn about persuasion, tone, and purpose
Today's assignment: read the text
Zoom info:
Meeting ID: 929-3347-7164
Password: 2qu0Fz
Link: zoom.us/j/92933477164?pwd=RE9INHRoMGhOS1o0QzE2OGoyWXJMZz09
Today's lesson: persuasive writing - job hunt
Today's goal: learn about persuasion, tone, and purpose
Today's assignment: read the text
Zoom info:
Meeting ID: 929-3347-7164
Password: 2qu0Fz
Link: zoom.us/j/92933477164?pwd=RE9INHRoMGhOS1o0QzE2OGoyWXJMZz09
08 May, 2020
Today's lesson: persuasive writing
Today's goal: submit your papers/learn about persuasion
Reminder: Revised process paper due today
Today's assignment: questions over the reading selection
Zoom info:
Meeting ID: 972-4372-2701
Password: 3FDZT3
Link: zoom.us/j/97243722701?pwd=NWh1dExRV2tLSnN3VDRDbEFsbnNIQT09
Today's lesson: persuasive writing
Today's goal: submit your papers/learn about persuasion
Reminder: Revised process paper due today
Today's assignment: questions over the reading selection
Zoom info:
Meeting ID: 972-4372-2701
Password: 3FDZT3
Link: zoom.us/j/97243722701?pwd=NWh1dExRV2tLSnN3VDRDbEFsbnNIQT09
Today's assignment:
07 May, 2020
Today's lesson: persuasive writing
Today's goal: improve your papers/learn about persuasion
Today's assignment: vocabulary
Reminder: Revised process paper due Friday
Zoom info:
940-1293-3396
8MBxB3
Link: https://zoom.us/j/94012933396?pwd=T2Fkc3pnREdTMWVIV3l4Rm1DVUU4QT09
Today's lesson: persuasive writing
Today's goal: improve your papers/learn about persuasion
Today's assignment: vocabulary
Reminder: Revised process paper due Friday
Zoom info:
940-1293-3396
8MBxB3
Link: https://zoom.us/j/94012933396?pwd=T2Fkc3pnREdTMWVIV3l4Rm1DVUU4QT09
06 May
Today's lesson: writing - revising/editing
Today's goal: improve your papers
Today's assignment: list improvements in sample paper (see below)
Revised process paper due Friday, with a list of improvements
Zoom info: zoom.us/j/93748200327?pwd=SFEzYWZuNUVpNXFpb2VMd1g2c21Cdz09
Today's lesson: writing - revising/editing
Today's goal: improve your papers
Today's assignment: list improvements in sample paper (see below)
Revised process paper due Friday, with a list of improvements
Zoom info: zoom.us/j/93748200327?pwd=SFEzYWZuNUVpNXFpb2VMd1g2c21Cdz09
Today's Assignment:
Today's lesson: word choice
Today's material: article from the textbook, posted below
Today's assignment: questions about the article
Zoom ...
941-9112-1236
6kYgGe
zoom.us/j/94191121236?pwd=Q3lEU0YxVzM3M3lSUzdpUXFwcmVrQT09
Monday, May 4th
Today's concept: evaluating evidence
Today's assignment: vocabulary
Remember that a draft of your process description paper is due today
Today's Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98462602402?pwd=UEdRZ01rSHhsanYyalVSNWhuR1I2dz09
Today's concept: evaluating evidence
Today's assignment: vocabulary
Remember that a draft of your process description paper is due today
Today's Zoom link: zoom.us/j/98462602402?pwd=UEdRZ01rSHhsanYyalVSNWhuR1I2dz09
U6C2 Vocab:
- accountable
- authority
- discrimination
- impose
- neglect
- prohibit
- restrictions
- violate
Friday May 1st
Today we will go over the expectations for the process paper, review the week's materials, and make a main idea chart for one of the articles
935-0974-2325
9exqtM
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93509742325?pwd=ZFVWdmhYRmpqWTZiUzVhNzBMSXBPdz09
School announcement:
OIA paraprofessionals will be available on Monday, May 4 on Zoom between 2:30pm and 5:15pm for 30 minute translation services
Today we will go over the expectations for the process paper, review the week's materials, and make a main idea chart for one of the articles
935-0974-2325
9exqtM
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/93509742325?pwd=ZFVWdmhYRmpqWTZiUzVhNzBMSXBPdz09
School announcement:
OIA paraprofessionals will be available on Monday, May 4 on Zoom between 2:30pm and 5:15pm for 30 minute translation services
Thursday April 30th
Today’s objective: students will learn about the relationship between main idea and details and examine how expository writing is often structured around these things.
Material: 'Teen Brains Are Different'
Assignment: questions about the article
Info to pass on
>Phones not optimum for online class
>Chromebooks are only available until Friday (tomorrow)
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/99093372516?pwd=R1BRRGdWdzBXSWRHWDVESVZyK2hQUT09
Meeting ID: 990-9337-2516
Password: 9tbubf
Today’s objective: students will learn about the relationship between main idea and details and examine how expository writing is often structured around these things.
Material: 'Teen Brains Are Different'
Assignment: questions about the article
Info to pass on
>Phones not optimum for online class
>Chromebooks are only available until Friday (tomorrow)
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/99093372516?pwd=R1BRRGdWdzBXSWRHWDVESVZyK2hQUT09
Meeting ID: 990-9337-2516
Password: 9tbubf
April 29th
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96739944408?pwd=MGE0d0VmRnZaa016a0hPOFRoN1VoZz09
Meeting ID: 967-3994-4408
Password: 3mq10N
Assignments:
>Read the article '16: The Right Voting Age' and answer the 4 questions that follow the article
>Write a paragraph that contains 5 correctly used commas
>Begin your process description paper. A draft is due next Tuesday.
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/96739944408?pwd=MGE0d0VmRnZaa016a0hPOFRoN1VoZz09
Meeting ID: 967-3994-4408
Password: 3mq10N
Assignments:
>Read the article '16: The Right Voting Age' and answer the 4 questions that follow the article
>Write a paragraph that contains 5 correctly used commas
>Begin your process description paper. A draft is due next Tuesday.
April 28th
Meeting ID: 921-1863-3894
Password: 1btwM3
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92118633894?pwd=OGp4SGxiUkJSdVBUdWNKdzRac3R3dz09
Meeting ID: 921-1863-3894
Password: 1btwM3
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/92118633894?pwd=OGp4SGxiUkJSdVBUdWNKdzRac3R3dz09
The correct times and places to use a comma:
>Use a comma to separate the elements in a series (three or more things), including the last two.
"He hit the ball, dropped the bat, and ran to first base."
>Use a comma + a little conjunction (and, but, for, nor, yet, or, so) to connect two independent clauses
"He hit the ball well, but he ran toward third base."
>Use a comma to set off introductory elements
"Running toward third base, he suddenly realized how stupid he looked."
>Use a comma to set off parenthetical elements
"The Founders Bridge, which spans the Connecticut River, is falling down."
>Use a comma to set off quoted elements.
Summing up this argument, Peter Coveney writes, "The purpose and strength of the romantic image of the child had been above all to establish a relation between childhood and adult consciousness."
>Use commas to set off phrases that express contrast
Some say the world will end in ice, not fire.
It was her money, not her charm or personality, that first attracted him.
The puppies were cute, but very messy.
>Use a comma to avoid confusion.
Outside the lawn was cluttered with hundreds of broken branches.
Outside, the lawn was cluttered with hundreds of broken branches.
>Use a comma to separate the elements in a series (three or more things), including the last two.
"He hit the ball, dropped the bat, and ran to first base."
>Use a comma + a little conjunction (and, but, for, nor, yet, or, so) to connect two independent clauses
"He hit the ball well, but he ran toward third base."
>Use a comma to set off introductory elements
"Running toward third base, he suddenly realized how stupid he looked."
>Use a comma to set off parenthetical elements
"The Founders Bridge, which spans the Connecticut River, is falling down."
>Use a comma to set off quoted elements.
Summing up this argument, Peter Coveney writes, "The purpose and strength of the romantic image of the child had been above all to establish a relation between childhood and adult consciousness."
>Use commas to set off phrases that express contrast
Some say the world will end in ice, not fire.
It was her money, not her charm or personality, that first attracted him.
The puppies were cute, but very messy.
>Use a comma to avoid confusion.
Outside the lawn was cluttered with hundreds of broken branches.
Outside, the lawn was cluttered with hundreds of broken branches.
April 27
Today's topic: intro to persuasive nonfiction.
Material: shown below
Today's assignment is the 4 questions at the bottom of page 467
Zoom link: zoom.us/j/94706538928?pwd=SjB4OG1OQmlpY0Q3RmZJSWdyb0F6UT09
Remember that next week's schedule will be 2 hours later.
Course Expectations for Students
1. Log in to each of your required courses on the OIAHS Weebly page.
2. Review all instructions, materials and assignments for the day.
3. Complete and submit all assignments on time.
4. Ensure that your learning environment is free from distractions.
5. Participate in Zoom lessons.
6. Interact in Zoom lessons respectfully.
7. Know what you need to do to the pass the course and receive credit
8. Reach out to your teachers if you need help!
Remember that your final grade is based on you completing and submitting your work accurately; and attending classes on Zoom. Failure to meet your teacher’s expectations may result in loss of credit and the need to retake the course next year.
Course Expectations for Students
1. Log in to each of your required courses on the OIAHS Weebly page.
2. Review all instructions, materials and assignments for the day.
3. Complete and submit all assignments on time.
4. Ensure that your learning environment is free from distractions.
5. Participate in Zoom lessons.
6. Interact in Zoom lessons respectfully.
7. Know what you need to do to the pass the course and receive credit
8. Reach out to your teachers if you need help!
Remember that your final grade is based on you completing and submitting your work accurately; and attending classes on Zoom. Failure to meet your teacher’s expectations may result in loss of credit and the need to retake the course next year.
April 23rd: today's lesson was on writing, focusing on punctuation and linguistics. I'll post the material below.
The assignment: make a chart like the one I have that starts with 'ad nauseum', and complete the chart with the list of foreign words from the next slide.
Below that, I put a PDF file of the apostrophe lesson. Let me know if y'all are unable to open that and I'll get it to you another way.
The assignment: make a chart like the one I have that starts with 'ad nauseum', and complete the chart with the list of foreign words from the next slide.
Below that, I put a PDF file of the apostrophe lesson. Let me know if y'all are unable to open that and I'll get it to you another way.
Meeting ID: 966-8601-3278
Password: 1XRLme
Password: 1XRLme
apostrophe.pdf | |
File Size: | 315 kb |
File Type: |
April 23rd:
Today's assignment is going to be simple, in terms of what to do, though it might be a little challenging to some. Just read the instructions and answer the questions. I'm available if you have any questions.
The link to Zoom class should be the same: https://zoom.us/j/95393454565?pwd=dU1qdk11cjNraHlBaUFhNzNUZzlKZz09
Today's assignment is going to be simple, in terms of what to do, though it might be a little challenging to some. Just read the instructions and answer the questions. I'm available if you have any questions.
The link to Zoom class should be the same: https://zoom.us/j/95393454565?pwd=dU1qdk11cjNraHlBaUFhNzNUZzlKZz09
Meeting ID: 953-9345-4565
Password: 2fB3V8
Password: 2fB3V8
Wednesday April 22:
Link to the classroom: zoom.us/j/93561839410?pwd=ckw3Ui9Ya3JJeHl2dktBbjJ4ZTI1QT09&status=success
Today we discussed how to write a 'process description' paper. You will write one for the class, so you can begin if you want. The pages below have the advice on prewriting that can get you going.
Today's assignment
1) Answer the questions on the stories
2) Send me an idea of something you might write your process description paper about.
Link to the classroom: zoom.us/j/93561839410?pwd=ckw3Ui9Ya3JJeHl2dktBbjJ4ZTI1QT09&status=success
Today we discussed how to write a 'process description' paper. You will write one for the class, so you can begin if you want. The pages below have the advice on prewriting that can get you going.
Today's assignment
1) Answer the questions on the stories
2) Send me an idea of something you might write your process description paper about.
April 21st -
A technical issue at the Jones house caused the class details to change. I did not hold online class today. I will resume tomorrow, so check for the link here.
There are some questions and reading materials below for you to work on today.
A technical issue at the Jones house caused the class details to change. I did not hold online class today. I will resume tomorrow, so check for the link here.
There are some questions and reading materials below for you to work on today.
Tuesday April 21st
Here's the URL for the virtual classroom: zoom.us/j/4732427619?pwd=eXBpWnhuSnkzRHBiUkorNDlxV3Bndz09
Remember, you must join Zoom using your actual name, or you will not be admitted to the class.
Here's the URL for the virtual classroom: zoom.us/j/4732427619?pwd=eXBpWnhuSnkzRHBiUkorNDlxV3Bndz09
Remember, you must join Zoom using your actual name, or you will not be admitted to the class.
Answer these questions about 'Karate,' and then read the pages below about writing a process description.
Monday April 20th
The concept we discussed today is irony. I explained a few types of irony and gave some examples. Below is the reading and assignment for today.
The concept we discussed today is irony. I explained a few types of irony and gave some examples. Below is the reading and assignment for today.
Step 1: make a chart like the one at the bottom of 432.
Step 2: read the story while filling out the chart
Step 3: email me the chart you made for today's grade
Just to you don't have to hunt for it, here's the link to the classroom: zoom.us/j/4732427619?pwd=eXBpWnhuSnkzRHBiUkorNDlxV3Bndz09
Remember, you must join Zoom using your actual name, or you will not be admitted to the class.
Remember, you must join Zoom using your actual name, or you will not be admitted to the class.
Friday, April 17: - week 1 of the virtual classroom is a success! I appreciate your punctuality, cooperation, and effort during this unusual situation. In the weeks to come, I am going to try to implement some things that will get more class-time interaction. Having cameras and microphones is great, but the effect of having them all on simultaneously is actually quite chaotic. However, I do want to make this experience more than me talking while you listen. I got some good ideas from a webinar this week that I'm looking forward to trying. Have a good weekend!
Due to some feedback over the latest reading selection and assignment, I took the time today to review with you the topic, materials, and assignment expectations for the theme activity. I also did an intro lesson for research paper writing in anticipation of us doing research papers soon. I'm posting some notes for that below since some of you asked.
Research paper writing tips:
Due to some feedback over the latest reading selection and assignment, I took the time today to review with you the topic, materials, and assignment expectations for the theme activity. I also did an intro lesson for research paper writing in anticipation of us doing research papers soon. I'm posting some notes for that below since some of you asked.
Research paper writing tips:
- Select a suitable topic - one that's the right size and appropriate for the audience
- Find reliable sources - the information will be better received / 'peer reviewed' is best
- In-text citations and 'Works Cited' page - I showed you these and explained how they function and work together
- Organize your notes & information - keeping notes of your research is important
- Brainstorm a solid outline - the outline should contain the facts/research
- Write a first draft - the first time you write ANYTHING, you should consider it a 'draft' - because...
- Revise and Edit - you need to revise and edit your work every time, many times
Friday April 17:
As promised, I'm posting the guidelines for today's assignment. I've added a little to some of the slides to reflect the stuff I explained verbally. Please email me with any questions of concerns. Remember that there is more about this further down the page from the earlier lesson on it.
Your assignment is to write down answers to all of these using the story 'Abuela Invents the Zero,' then put them all together and come up with a theme.
As promised, I'm posting the guidelines for today's assignment. I've added a little to some of the slides to reflect the stuff I explained verbally. Please email me with any questions of concerns. Remember that there is more about this further down the page from the earlier lesson on it.
Your assignment is to write down answers to all of these using the story 'Abuela Invents the Zero,' then put them all together and come up with a theme.
I'm going to use the link again today, as it seemed easiest.
I will not admit anyone whose name isn't on the roster for one of my classes, and I will lock the meeting 5 minutes after I begin.
Link: https://zoom.us/j/4732427619?pwd=eXBpWnhuSnkzRHBiUkorNDlxV3Bndz09
I will not admit anyone whose name isn't on the roster for one of my classes, and I will lock the meeting 5 minutes after I begin.
Link: https://zoom.us/j/4732427619?pwd=eXBpWnhuSnkzRHBiUkorNDlxV3Bndz09
Good class today guys. I'm pleased by the turnout and the cooperation. The format is different, which presents us some challenges, but it has benefits too.
Today we read the story while looking for components to use to identify theme.
Today we read the story while looking for components to use to identify theme.
April 14th
Some of y'all were unable to join the class, though I was able to host one. I will check Zoom's setting for anything that might have caused a problem. For now, I'll keep posting the coursework and important info here for everyone to follow along in the event that technical or personal issues prevent you from attending the class.
We will meet again tomorrow at the same time.
Today we:
Some of y'all were unable to join the class, though I was able to host one. I will check Zoom's setting for anything that might have caused a problem. For now, I'll keep posting the coursework and important info here for everyone to follow along in the event that technical or personal issues prevent you from attending the class.
We will meet again tomorrow at the same time.
Today we:
- Did the cluster vocabulary, which is posted below. Turn this in for a grade.
- Had a lesson on theme, which you could review by watching the YouTube video here and reading the page below it.
- Read the author bio for Judith Ortiz Cofer, also posted below.
April 14:
Zoom class begins at 10:10am
Meeting ID: 938 0683 2776
Password: 4fbSOP
Concept: theme
Material covered: 'Abuela Invents the Zero'
Assignment: vocabulary and theme component recall
Zoom class begins at 10:10am
Meeting ID: 938 0683 2776
Password: 4fbSOP
Concept: theme
Material covered: 'Abuela Invents the Zero'
Assignment: vocabulary and theme component recall
Monday, April 13th.
We're doing the first Zoom class tomorrow. I changed the day, but I didn't make an announcement. I guess it wasn't obvious I'd made a change. Sorry about that.
I'll post details here in the morning.
Prepare for class by doing the vocabulary:
We're doing the first Zoom class tomorrow. I changed the day, but I didn't make an announcement. I guess it wasn't obvious I'd made a change. Sorry about that.
I'll post details here in the morning.
Prepare for class by doing the vocabulary:
- assume
- compromise
- existence
- ignore
- inconvenient
- insult
- ridiculous
- value
Zoom test successful!
I'll see you all for class next Tuesday at 10:10. I'll continue to post here to organize things. I will post the meeting ID and password here. Have a good weekend. I hope you are all safe and doing well. :)
I'll see you all for class next Tuesday at 10:10. I'll continue to post here to organize things. I will post the meeting ID and password here. Have a good weekend. I hope you are all safe and doing well. :)
April 10:
Zoom classroom test at 10:10am
Meeting ID: 473 242 7619
Password: OuOprG
Zoom classroom test at 10:10am
Meeting ID: 473 242 7619
Password: OuOprG
Next week, we're supposed to start doing online class at a scheduled time and with 'direct instruction' from me. We are going to do this with Zoom. I think you've already gotten the app from another teacher. My computer doesn't have a camera, and I couldn't find one, so I'm improvising by connecting my phone and computer together. I hope it works!
Tomorrow, I'm going to test this, so any of you who are available at 10:10 Friday morning, please join my test class. I will post the details here before then.
Tomorrow, I'm going to test this, so any of you who are available at 10:10 Friday morning, please join my test class. I will post the details here before then.
Yay - a test!
Email me your answers
Email me your answers
Friday April 3rd: Vocabulary quiz! Email me your answers.
April 2nd:
Read 'Fear' and answer the 4 questions at the end. Email me your answers.
APRIL 1ST:
SUBMIT TO ME YOUR RESPONSES TO THESE QUESTIONS ABOUT THE READING.
Tuesday 31 May
Today's assignment is to read this magazine article from the textbook. Let me know if you have any difficulty seeing it. This is the best way I found to use this material on this site.
Today's assignment is to read this magazine article from the textbook. Let me know if you have any difficulty seeing it. This is the best way I found to use this material on this site.
Monday 30 May
I'm going to use some stuff from our class textbook, so we can keep on track with the curriculum. I'm going to post some images here.
The concept we're looking at this week is 'development of ideas'. To prepare for this, read the introduction on the imaged page below, and complete the vocabulary list, per our usual format:
Vocabulary list:
I'm going to use some stuff from our class textbook, so we can keep on track with the curriculum. I'm going to post some images here.
The concept we're looking at this week is 'development of ideas'. To prepare for this, read the introduction on the imaged page below, and complete the vocabulary list, per our usual format:
- The part of speech
- A complete Definition
- A synonym
- An antonym
- Write a sentence containing the word
Vocabulary list:
- defiant
- intruder
- motivate
- positive
- reaction
- response
- revenge
- violence
Freaky Friday!
I'm going to keep it simple today. This is a quiz over stuff we've studied over the past couple of weeks: the concept of theme and the poem 'The Raven' by Edgar Allan Poe
- What is the narrator doing as the poem begins?
- What color are the curtains in his room?
- Write two criteria for determining the theme of a work of literature.
- Who does the meaning of a story belong to?
Email me your answers and have a good weekend!